
Contents
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17.1 Introduction: discourse particles 17.1 Introduction: discourse particles
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17.2 The watershed function 17.2 The watershed function
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17.2.1 Water shedding and givenness 17.2.1 Water shedding and givenness
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17.2.2 Discourse particles as topic markers? 17.2.2 Discourse particles as topic markers?
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17.2.3 Discourse particles and focus 17.2.3 Discourse particles and focus
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17.2.4 Contrastive topics: on interactions between focus and topicality 17.2.4 Contrastive topics: on interactions between focus and topicality
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17.2.5 Information structure in open particle combinations 17.2.5 Information structure in open particle combinations
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17.3 Discourse particles and focus association 17.3 Discourse particles and focus association
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17.3.1 Relational discourse particles and salient alternatives 17.3.1 Relational discourse particles and salient alternatives
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17.3.2 Focus-sensitive discourse particles? 17.3.2 Focus-sensitive discourse particles?
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17.3.3 Discourse particles and conventional focus association 17.3.3 Discourse particles and conventional focus association
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17.3.4 Stressed discourse particles and (verum) focus 17.3.4 Stressed discourse particles and (verum) focus
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17.4 Beyond German 17.4 Beyond German
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17.5 Conclusion 17.5 Conclusion
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17 Information Structure and Discourse Particles
Get accessPatrick G. Grosz is Assistant Professor (Wissenschaftlicher Assistent) in Linguistics at the German Department of the University of Tübingen. His research is in syntax, semantics, pragmatics and their interfaces; it combines theoretical approaches with experimental and corpus-linguistic studies, and has a thematic focus on discourse particles, clause types, pronouns, and agreement and concord.
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Published:09 July 2015
Cite
Abstract
Focusing on German as its object language, this chapter explores the interactions between discourse particles (e.g. ja, doch) and information structure. The first half of the chapter explores the traditional idea that discourse particles form a watershed between thematic (old) and rhematic (new) information. Concerning the ‘theme’, it is argued that unstressed elements to the left of discourse particles (in the ‘middle field’ between C0 and the verbal complex) must be aboutness topics. Concerning the ‘rheme’, it is shown that the focus exponent generally has to follow discourse particles. The second half of the chapter discusses current issues relating to the interactions of discourse particles and focus. Specifically, it investigates ‘relational’ discourse particles (e.g. doch and schon), which operate on a contextually salient alternative proposition q, giving rise to a discussion of the potential role that focus may play in the interpretation of such particles.
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