Social Relational Notions of Successful Aging: Contesting Dominant Individualized Conceptions of Successful Aging By Examining Migrant Intergenerational Lived Experiences

Abstract

Background and Objectives

Critiques of the concept of successful aging (SA) include attention to its foundation on an individualized western medical approach that emphasizes personal choice, agency, and lifestyle. This paper aims to examine how individual notions of SA can be linked to, and co-constituted by, relational and intergenerational notions of personhood within the broader socioeconomic, familial, and cultural contexts of migration.

Research Design and Methods

Qualitative research was conducted in Australia (2020–2021) with 42 Vietnamese migrants using ethnographic interviews and participant observation. Data analysis applied inductive reasoning and intersectional analysis to investigate the notion of SA from the perspectives of research participants.

Results

Vietnamese migrants identified 3 dimensions of SA as significant: family fulfillment, individual achievements, and social engagement and protection. Family fulfilment is the most important; other dimensions are rendered meaningless without it. We found out that different generations interpreted SA in varying ways. Adult children prioritize personal success, self-independence, and longevity whereas grandparents place greater emphasis on the success of their adult children and maintenance of intergenerational relationships.

Discussion and Implications

Migrant understandings of SA are deeply influenced by the sociocultural contexts of both their homeland and current residence. The emphasis on family in shaping SA reflects a social–relational understanding that contrasts with dominant individualistic models of SA. Given the social–relational dimension of SA, further research should investigate how distinct migrant experiences of SA shape access to wellbeing in later life.

Cultural gerontology, Migration, Social–relational theory, Successful aging, Vietnamese diaspora

The concept of successful aging (SA) gained prominence following the landmark works of Rowe and Kahn (1987, 1997), who aimed to shift gerontological research away from disease-centric and deficit understandings of aging, including by underlining the distinction between “usual” and “successful” aging. The authors defined SA through 3 fundamental components: the avoidance of disease and disability, the maintenance of high cognitive and physical functional capacity, and active engagement in social and productive activities (Rowe and Kahn, 1997). These components are hierarchical, with the absence of diseases and disabilities laying the foundation for optimal physical and cognitive functioning, ultimately fostering engagement with life. Since the 1980s, SA has remained a central theme in gerontology, as researchers have grappled with the substantial and varied heterogeneity in health and well-being trajectories in later life (e.g., Depp and Jeste, 2006).

Despite decades of attention to the topic, a precise definition and measure of SA remains contested (e.g., Cosco et al., 2014; Martinson and Berridge, 2015), leading to the development of related concepts such as productive aging, healthy aging, active aging, robust aging, effective aging, positive aging, resilient aging, aging well, harmonious aging, meaningful aging (e.g., Cosco et al., 2013; Hung et al., 2010; Liang and Luo, 2012). Dominant notions of SA emphasize physical health, fitness, productivity, and the maintenance of independence and self-sufficiency (Cosco et al., 2014). They are often critiqued for ignoring structural inequalities in aging and broader social, political, economic, and cultural contexts (Holstein and Minkler, 2003; Zhuo and Cao, 2024), as well as individual experiences (Liang and Luo, 2012) and subjective evaluations of aging and wellbeing (Sabatini et al., 2024). This focus contributes to ageism and ableism (e.g., Lamb, 2014; Stone, 2003).

There is a growing recognition that dominant notions of SA overlook the mediating effects of culture (Liang and Luo, 2012; Torres, 2003), with increasing scholarly attention to their grounding in broader neoliberal ideals that emphasize individual responsibility for health and wellbeing (Lamb, 2014; Martinson and Berridge, 2015). These critiques highlight how SA has been shaped by predominantly individualistic values, overlooking diverse experiences in older age worldwide and alternative measures of SA relevant in other cultural contexts (e.g., Iwamasa and Iwasaki, 2011; Lou, 2022).

Social Relational Theory and Successful Aging

Recent studies on SA (e.g., Mäki-Petäjä-Leinonen et al., 2022; Torres, 2002) spanning diverse sociocultural contexts and drawing on various disciplines, aim to address critiques by illuminating how cultural, social, environmental, spiritual, political, economic, and individualized factors shape understandings of SA. These studies, focusing on populations from China (e.g., Chong et al., 2006), South Korea (Chung and Park, 2008), Singapore (Feng and Straughan, 2017), and Japan (Iwamasa and Iwasaki, 2011), suggest that SA is best understood within “a world of relations” (Qin, 2018). These relations are socially and culturally determined, with diverse domains of SA being valued differently across cultures (Lou, 2022; Mäki-Petäjä-Leinonen et al., 2022; Torres, 2003). Particularly central to this “world of relations” is the family, which has been recognized as an essential factor in SA across a range of Asian contexts (e.g., Hung et al., 2010; Miah and King, 2023).

Cultural emphasis on collectivism and familism, including filial piety, often leads older individuals to prefer living with extended family over living alone. This cultural context deems it shameful if families cannot or will not provide this support (Chong et al., 2006). Studies in Taiwan (Hsu, 2007) and South Korea (Chung and Park, 2008) highlight the importance of close family relationships for SA, prioritizing family support over social participation and productivity which are highlighted by Western SA notions. This reveals the social–relational dimensions of SA, whereby family, particularly intergenerational support, plays a crucial role in shaping one’s perception of success in later life. This concept places significant emphasis on parent–child and/or family relationships and interactions within a framework of culturally embedded social connections (Kuczynski et al., 2015).

Successful Aging in Migration Context

Perceptions of SA are further complicated by the unique experiences of older migrants who age away from their home country. The migrant aging process entails distinct challenges such as the renegotiation of cultural identity, language barriers, discrimination, reduced social support networks, isolation, loneliness, and difficulties in accessing social welfare (e.g., Chiu & Ho, 2023; Nguyen et al., 2023a). Existing research has not delved extensively into the implications of SA for people who move from one culture to another or live across cultures (Gambold, 2023). In one of the few studies focusing on SA of migrants in the Australian context, Hui Chian Teh et al. (2020) describe the tensions experienced by older Chinese migrants as they grapple with retaining traditional cultural values, such as filial piety and expectations of multigenerational living, whereas adapting to the dominant Australian culture, which places a higher value on independence. The authors found that older Chinese migrants prioritized their independence and financial self-sufficiency to minimize their burden on their children, yet retained the expectation that their children would provide care and support when needed. Other studies also indicate that beliefs about SA are influenced by both homeland and host country cultural values (e.g., Gambold, 2023; Torres, 2001, 2002).

The existing literature suggests that individuals from collectivist and familistic cultures present a contrast to their individualistic counterparts, prioritizing support from close relationships with family over autonomy and personal achievement as fundamental to SA. This paper contributes to that body of knowledge by exploring perceptions of SA among Vietnamese migrants in Australia, while also comparing the perceptions of older adults and their adult children. We achieve this by examining (inter)generational lived experiences in a migration context. Employing a phenomenological approach to delve into these lived experiences (Moran, 2019) and utilizing intersectional analysis (Christensen and Jensen, 2012), the paper presents a social relational notion of SA as perceived by Vietnamese migrants by adopting social relational theory (Kuczynski and Parkin, 2015). This theory highlights that “the socialization and the dynamic of parent–child interactions should be understood as occurring in the context of close personal relationships” (Kuczynski and Parkin, 2009: 13). Although social relations and engagement have always been a dimension of the SA model, using a social–relational approach in examining and analyzing dimensions of SA helps nuance the crucial role of family, in particular intergenerational support, in shaping one’s sense of success in old age. It features a focus on parent–child or family relations and interactions within a system of culturally embedded social–relationships (Kuczynski et al., 2015), which is distinctive from self-efficacy and institutional support perceived by Western notions of SA (Cosco et al., 2014).

Vietnamese Migration to Australia

Australia’s long history of migration first included large numbers of arrivals from Vietnam in the 1970s, when people arrived by boat as refugees from the Vietnam War (Kumin, 2008). Since then, migrants from Vietnam have included a significant number of family reunion and skilled migrants (Lowe, 2016) and international students (ABS, 2023). The Vietnamese community is now one of the largest and most established Asian diasporas in Australia, predominantly concentrated in metropolitan Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, and Perth (Thomas 2003). Distinct enclaves feature Vietnamese culture heritage and businesses, serving as focal points for the Vietnamese diaspora’s social and cultural life. Older Vietnamese migrants in Australia include those who have aged in place after arriving in the 1970s or as family reunion migrants in recent decades, and temporary visitors who provide childcare and other support to international students and skilled migrants (Nguyen, 2023). They encounter more challenges in the aging process compared with other immigrant communities, including difficulties accessing local support networks (NSW and RHS, 2013), the erosion of traditional values and beliefs, feelings of loneliness, isolation, and a loss of status and self-confidence as they increasingly rely on their adult children for economic and social support (e.g., DoHA, 2018). Older Vietnamese Australians often decline to seek assistance outside their immediate family unit, and many have limited awareness of local support services or struggle with English proficiency, contributing to their classification as a marginalized and isolated group in Australian society (Atwell et al., 2007; Steel et al., 2002).

The experience of SA among older Vietnamese migrants remains under-researched. This paper seeks to fill this gap to inform evidence-based policies and interventions to better support the well-being of this population.

Research Methods

Design

This article employs primary empirical data from qualitative ethnographic interviews and participant observation, across three cities: Perth, Melbourne, and Sydney from 2020 to 2021. This research is part of the PhD project entitled “Growing Older Overseas: How Older Vietnamese People Are Experiencing Ageing and Aged Care in Australia” (2019–2023). The study included 42 participants: 22 Vietnamese migrant grandparents aged 54–91 years, and 20 adult migrant children, aged 27–60 years. Interview themes explored life and migration narratives, perspectives on information and communication technologies, social support networks, past experiences with technology, perceptions of filial piety, and experiences of aging, including SA.

Research Sample

This paper compares the perspectives of migrant grandparents and migrant adult children. Participants were recruited using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. The grandparent sample comprised two subgroups: 10 grandparents who visited their adult children for (multiple) short-term stays (3–12 months), and 12 grandparents who had been settled in Australia with their adult children for between 4 and 29 years (see details of research participants in Table 1).

Table 1.

Selected Demographics of the Research Sample

Categories	Grandparents (n = 22)				Adult children (n = 20)
	Visitors		Permanent immigrants		Temporary migrants		Permanent immigrants
	Female	Male	Female	Male	Female	Male	Female	Male
Age group
54–91	7	3	5	7
27–60					6	2	10	2
Educational level
Primary education							1
Secondary education	5	1	3	5			1
Technical and further education (TAFE)							2	1
Undergraduate degree	1	2	2		1		2
Postgraduate degree		1		2	5	2	4	1
Marital status
Married	3	3	2	7	6	2	5	1
Single							3	1
Widowed	3		2
Divorced/separated	1		1				1

Participants identified themselves as part of the lower-middle or middling class, described as “…often, but not always, well educated…” and “…may come from wealthy families, but more often than not …appear to be simply middle class” (Conradson and Latham, 2005: 229). This socioeconomic class often experiences more stimuli of migration to attain elevated social statuses (Rutten and Verstappen, 2014).

Ethical Approval

The study received ethical approval from the Human Research Ethics Committees at the University of Western Australia (RA/4/20/5807). Participants provided written or verbal informed consent before participating in interviews. To maintain confidentiality, pseudonyms were used, and any reference to the participants’ city of residence was omitted.

Data Collection

Qualitative ethnographic interviews with accompanying ethnographic fieldnotes were employed to explore the aging and senior care experiences of Vietnamese migrants during their sojourns or settlements in Australia. In our research design, we initially planned to conduct joint interviews with both grandparents and adult migrant children present. However, after completing two joint interviews, it became clear that coordinating schedules for both groups was challenging. Joint interviews also hindered open discussion on sensitive topics like filial piety, caregiving practices, and family conflicts. Consequently, we transitioned to conducting interviews individually. Interviews lasted from 1 to 4 h in total. Conversations about SA generally lasted between 10 and 20 min.

Recognizing that the perceptions of SA are culturally, socially, and individually driven (Iwamasa and Iwasaki, 2011; Lamb, 2014), our research refrained from imposing a predefined universal concept. Instead, a subjective or emic approach was adopted, allowing Vietnamese migrants to self-define their understanding of SA. Participants were asked three questions:

• (1) Have you encountered terms “successful aging,” “active aging,” “healthy aging,” or “aging friendly?”

• (2) Can you define these concepts based on your own understanding and lived experiences?

• (3) Do you think you/your migrant parent is aging successfully? If so, what are the reasons behind your assessment?

The questions posed were open-ended, and designed to explore participants’ perspectives on diverse aspects related to SA. During interviews, participants were encouraged to provide examples based on their own definitions and personal experiences. A deeper discussion of these topics was prompted by asking additional questions, including whether the government should promote SA, the role of environmental factors like living conditions and public facilities, and the importance of family support for older parents. Of the interview questions, the third one, requiring participants to explain why they considered themselves or their parents to be aging successfully, typically took the longest to answer. Participants also reflected on changes in their views on SA before and after migration, discussing various influences, personal stories, and emotional responses related to their aging experiences.

Data Transcription and Analysis

Data were transcribed and translated into English by the first author. Data analysis followed the grounded theory approach (Martin and Turner, 1986) that involves inductive reasoning (Kemp and Tenenbaum, 2009) to construct the notion of SA from participants’ own ideas. Because all ethnographic interviews were carried out in Vietnamese, verbatim transcripts were created from the audio-recorded files in Vietnamese to preserve the authenticity and originality of the data. All interview transcripts (translated into English) and fieldnotes were collated and carefully read by authors to explore three main questions:

• (1) What are successful aging concepts perceived by adult migrant children and migrant grandparents?

• (2) What elements constitute the successful aging model of Vietnamese migrants?

• (3) What are the differences in perceptions of successful aging between adult migrant children and migrant grandparents?

We used field notes alongside translated interview transcripts to develop research themes during coding. This included identifying recurring patterns, themes, and categories related to SA that were synthesized from observations and interactions in the field. Additionally, field notes served as useful references for pinpointing impactful verbatim quotes that could enrich our interpretation of research findings. They also functioned as a tool for integrating and cross-verifying diverse perspectives and information provided by participants.

NVivo 12 was used to identify prevalent keywords and categories within participants’ definitions of SA (Syarifuddin et al., 2017). Keywords were categorized to explore relationships among the most frequently occurring terms in the data. The categories served as the basis for crafting a consolidated model of SA. Moreover, to examine the social–relational aspects of SA elements, we applied intersectional analysis (Phoenix and Pattynama, 2006) to elucidate interrelations between categories and sub-categories of perceived SA notions. This analysis also sought to explore whether gender, class, and migration history could influence the perspectives of Vietnamese migrants on SA.

Throughout the process of translating, summarizing, and analyzing specific categories, co-authors collaborated closely to cross-check and verify the data, prioritizing the preservation of the originality of participants’ perspectives. After completing the data coding, key themes along with selected quotes were shared with co-authors for cross-checking and discussion. This collaborative effort aimed to reach a consensus on the most valid interpretations of data, including discussions about potential biases and alternative explanations, to ensure the findings authentically reflect participants’ perspectives.

In addition to extracting the main themes and responses from the section on SA, we also derived information from other parts of the interviews to enhance the comprehensiveness, depth, and richness of our data analysis. This includes insights from participants on topics such as filial piety and caregiving for older parents, dynamics within intergenerational relationships, their lived experiences in Australia, and comparisons between life in Australia and Vietnam. These details were incorporated to provide a clearer illustration of their perspectives on SA.

Research Findings

In this section, we identified three interrelated themes. Theme 1, family fulfilment, was recognized as the predominant component in Vietnamese migrants’ views of SA. This category encompassed five subcategories: successful descendants, family harmony and happiness, intergenerational care, respect from descendants, and role model for descendants. Theme 2, individual achievements, though not the dominant category, comprised the set of second most commonly occurring elements identified by participants, including good physical and mental health, self-care and independence, financial security, personal expression, professional success, and longevity. Theme 3, social engagement and protection, represents the third most commonly occurring category and encompasses three sub-categories: active social participation, social respect and care, and accessible senior care services (see Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Successful aging model perceived by Vietnamese migrants.

Theme 1: Family Fulfillments

Family holds a pivotal position in the lives of the interviewees, and even after migration, it remains a crucial factor in migrants’ lives. Five sub-themes draw attention to the different dimensions of family relationships in SA.

Successful descendants

The theme of “successful descendants” includes reference to diverse accomplishments, including health and well-being, higher education, professional achievements, independence, affluence, morality, and the establishment of a contented family. Both grandparents and adult children frequently highlighted this aspect of SA, yet it was particularly emphasized by grandparents as a paramount factor. For example:

…I feel satisfied and successful when I have raised successful children. They have good morality and achieve economic prosperity … (MG4, 69, grandmother, temporary migrant)

…successes of children are the successes of their parents. If an adult child achieves a high-ranking position in society, it means that his/her parents are successful … (MAC5, 31, daughter, temporary migrant).

Parents reflected on their investment of love, wealth, and effort in nurturing their descendants. Children are considered potential pillars of financial support and care in later years, with the hope that offspring will surpass their own achievements and lead more fulfilling lives. A well-known proverb in Vietnam succinctly captures this sentiment: “if the child surpasses his father, the home is blessed.” Promoting the success of descendants is a crucial responsibility to be fulfilled throughout one’s lifetime.

Family harmony and happiness

Family harmony and happiness include sustaining amicable relationships among family members that are characterized by mutual support, love, and care, without significant internal conflicts. A grandparent explained:

…a determinant of successful ageing is having a harmonious family, where no significant conflicts happen, and people can live and maintain good relationships … (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Achieving harmony requires each family member to recognize and fulfill their respective roles: adult children and grandchildren should pay respect toward their older adults, whereas (grand)parents should reciprocate by expressing love and care for their descendants. A warm and comfortable family atmosphere requires patience and tolerance. Both adult children and grandparents admitted that intrafamily conflicts were unavoidable but applied strategies to mitigate them. A grandparent disclosed,

…The primary principle is to respect each other. I choose to follow and not interfere in my children’s thoughts and decisions … (MG3, 63, grandfather, temporary migrant).

Meanwhile, an adult child chose to “keep silent” whenever she had disagreements with her mother,

…Whenever I have any disagreements with my mother, I often choose to stay silent or go somewhere to relieve my temper. I am afraid that if I continue my argument with her, I will hurt her feelings … (MAC9, 32, daughter, temporary migrant).

Intergenerational care

Intergenerational care represents the demonstration of descendants’ filial piety toward their (grand)parents, and reciprocally, the obligations of older generations—often referred to as the “intergenerational contract” (e.g., Walker, 1996). In the perceptions of Vietnamese migrants, intergenerational care is a key criterion of SA. A grandparent confided,

…Whenever I have back pain, my daughter often offers me a massage. Every evening, she lies on the bed with me and we have interesting talks on different topics. She also cares for my diet and mental health … (MG7, 54, grandmother, temporary migrant).

This element was frequently mentioned by grandparents, but not adult children. Adult children instead highlighted independence rather than intergenerational care as an element of SA. In particular, grandmothers tended to place the greatest emphasis on intergenerational care. Some grandmothers strongly believed that they had dedicated their entire lives to caring for their adult children and grandchildren. Therefore, they expect their adult children and grandchildren to reciprocate by caring for them in their old age. For example, a grandmother disclosed:

… Even if I have money, I still wouldn’t choose to go to a residential home … I have three boys … maybe not all of them can take care of me when I get older, but there must be at least one who can take care of me … (MG1, 58, grandmother, temporary migrant).

This finding highlights how deeply ingrained gender norms and expectations persist in shaping perceptions of SA.

Respect from descendants

In Vietnamese culture, filial piety underscores the importance of descendants showing essential respect, including veneration, toward older adults. This is rooted in the belief that older adults hold wisdom and authority that deserves acknowledgment from their descendants (e.g., Hsu, 2007; Miah and King, 2023). In spite of migration to a Western country, filial piety remained embedded in the participants’ notions of SA. A grandparent revealed,

…I am the master of my family’s ethics and values. My descendants have to follow my advice though we have settled here. Our values cannot be degraded … (MG12, 75, grandfather, permanent migrant).

However, not all grandparents and adult children agreed with authoritarian ideas of respect. Instead, some opted to obey their grandparents’ advice and wishes only when it appeared reasonable. As a child stated,

…I respect my mother, but I cannot follow all her advice, especially in raising my daughter. She prefers to care for my daughter based on her experiences; however, those experiences are not relevant now … (MAC9, 32, daughter, temporary migrant).

Some grandparents also accepted shifts in these practices, opting to limit their role to moral advisors rather than authoritarian gatekeepers. A grandparent explained,

…In Vietnam, children must follow adults’ advice and guidance … However, they are receiving a western education here, they have the right to argue with their grand(parents). I perceive that change and must accept it … (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Role model for descendants

For grandparents, SA includes the desire to be an examplar of morality and wisdom for their descendants to follow. As a role model of morality, they aim to continue bringing blessings to their descendants. This is a lifelong effort, as the following quote makes clear:

…Achieving a truly successful old age involves leaving a legacy of virtue for your children. This entails consistently doing right and ethical things to bring blessings to your descendants. For example, … if the father engaged in dishonest practices, it might lose his child’s cooperation opportunities, as [others] might feel reluctant to collaborate with him. In essence, the actions of the parent could impact the opportunities available to their offspring … (MG21, 81, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Both grandfathers and grandmothers emphasized the importance of being role models for their descendants. However, their perceptions of what constitutes a role model vary by gender. Grandmothers typically see themselves as caregivers and custodians of cultural values, whereas grandfathers view themselves as moral authorities and advisors. This gender-specific perspective highlights differing roles within the family structure.

In particular, in transnational families where grandparents have extensive education and successful careers, the perception of being a role model becomes even more pronounced. These grandparents tend to have higher expectations for their descendants’ achievements and prioritize lifelong learning. They engage in activities such as reading, acquiring new digital skills, and learning English, while also passing down their native language to their grandchildren. This multifaceted approach helps them maintain their role model status for future generations.

Theme 2: Individual achievements

Individual achievements comprised the second most frequently mentioned theme, especially by adult children. However, it is important to note that many of these individual achievements were also perceived through the lens of the family. This component encompasses five sub-themes, outlined later.

Good physical and mental health

Good health, both physical and mental, is commonly recognized as an essential aspect of SA. Physical functioning is linked to an individual’s ability to manage their daily life smoothly and independently. According to participants, indicators of physical functioning encompassed factors such as being “free from illnesses,” “maintaining healthy eating and sleeping habits,” “independently carrying out daily routines,” “engaging in regular physical exercises,” and “feeling at ease with one’s physical body.” Some grandparents disclosed good physical health needs to be,

…independent, doing exercises and playing sports regularly … (MG5, 58, grandfather, temporary migrant).

…eating and sleeping well, doing everyday personal work independently, having a healthy body … (MG10, 70, grandmother, temporary migrant).

For participants, good mental health means having a “cheerful, calm, and optimistic mindset” and “positive thoughts,” maintaining a “healthy spirit,” and harboring “aspirations for independent living.” Participants believed that acknowledging the realities of aging, including declining physical and cognitive health, and actively seeking solutions to cope with these challenges, exemplify good mental health:

…believing in your own ability to live independently. If you have a good willpower and positive thoughts, you can do exceptional things when you age … (MG16, 61, grandfather, permanent migrant).

…positive mind, accepting that we are no longer young and healthy as we were … (MAC15, daughter, 60, permanent migrant).

In particular, participants had a strong belief in the interconnectedness of physical functioning and mental health, asserting that the two mutually support healthy aging. They regarded mental well-being as a prerequisite for maintaining a healthy body and suggested that older adults coping with illnesses could enhance physical functioning and lead meaningful lives by fostering positive thoughts. This had the added benefit of ensuring that they did not become a burden on their children in later life, again highlighting their relational and inter-generational understandings of aging.

Self-care and independence

Despite the traditional expectation among Vietnamese individuals to depend on intergenerational care during old age (Hoi et al., 2011), our research revealed shifts in the ideology of Vietnamese migrants concerning self-care and self-reliance for leading an independent life with self-control. A migrant grandparent expressed this shift:

...A person achieves the pinnacle of successful ageing when they can take care of themselves, ensuring they do not impose a burden on their descendants … (MG9, 76, grandfather, temporary migrant).

Adult children, in particular, emphasized this sub-category when talking about SA. In their opinions, SA means “self-care” and “independence” as revealed later,

…Successful aging means the ability to take care of oneself, especially being independent in both lifestyle and income … (MAC18, 41, daughter-in-law, permanent migrant).

Although some grandparents did not want to go to nursing homes if they became unable to care for themselves, several others would consider spending their later years in these facilities if they were no longer healthy and independent. This shift remained tied to the primacy of relational understandings of family in SA.

…My children are busy with their own families and careers, making it impossible for them to provide care for me in person. It’s unrealistic to expect them to provide the same level of care commonly seen in Vietnam … (MG22, 87, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Financial security

Financial security is a significant aspect of Vietnamese migrants’ perception of successful aging, characterized by financial independence or autonomy. This autonomy is seen as crucial to ensuring the quality of life for older adults. A grandparent stated,

…Financial security is a major concern for older individuals in Vietnam, particularly in rural areas where most people are ineligible for retirement pensions. Therefore, achieving financial stability is essential for successful aging … (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

More than grandparents, most adult children mentioned financial independence as an indicator of SA. They highlighted the importance of having substantial savings or pensions to safeguard their quality of life as they became older, including access to affordable medical and other basic needs during old age.

…It’s essential to have a modest financial foundation, whether it comes from savings, a pension, or other sources. This financial security ensures that you don’t need to worry about basic necessities like food and shelter, allowing you to age comfortably … (MG7, 54, grandmother, temporary migrant).

Personal expression

Participants emphasized the significance of having passions or interests to make life fulfilling. Various forms of personal expression were identified, such as “reading books and staying updated on news,” “watching films and videos,” “cooking delightful meals,” “engaging in favorite sports or exercising,” “exploring desired destinations through travel,” “engaging in meaningful conversations with loved ones,” “gardening,” and “caring for beloved family members, especially grandchildren.” According to one grandparent, these expressions might not have been fully realized in their youth but can be pursued in the old age, given the increased availability of free time.

…I have a friend who loves reading. He is a massive reader and often reads a variety of sources about Buddhism and others. He also composes poems to show his thoughts on what he has read … (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Interestingly, for many these personal passions remained connected to caring for the family. For example:

…I like to cook various dishes to improve nutrition for my grandson and my adult children so they can stay healthy to work and study … (MG8, 58, grandmother, temporary migrant).

Compared to grandparents, adult children highlighted the salience of having personal hobbies during older age to lead a meaningful and active life. For example, an adult child believed that,

...Successful ageing involves having a hobby or engaging in something meaningful … a hobby related to work, a task involving caring for plants, or any other meaningful pursuit … (MAC18, 36, son, permanent migrant).

Professional success

Professional success was not highlighted as an important criterion by grandparents but was mentioned by several adult children. According to these adult children, SA is a lifelong journey, and a prosperous career serves as a yardstick for the overall level of accomplishment. Past professional achievements could be a source of honor and respect in one’s later years—a type of personal success, as expressed by an adult child,

…Successful ageing means obtaining professional achievements in one’s life. Mrs. Doan, a famous Vietnamese chef, is a good example. When she was young, she had a successful career and was a representative for Knorr’s Seasoning Powder Trademark in Vietnam … She is now retired, became a nun, and lives in a pagoda, but her past professional successes continue to bring her honor and social respect … (MAC3, 33, daughter, temporary migrant).

For migrant grandparents, individual professional success is viewed as a source of value because it brings honor, respect, and prosperity to one’s family lineage. For example:

MG6: … Successful ageing is having a fulfilling youth, such as holding a good professional position, owning a company, or possessing something that brings fame and respect for himself and his family. This professional success can provide continuous benefits, enabling one to enjoy their advanced years … (MAC6, 36, daughter, temporary migrant).

Longevity

Longevity was mentioned by adult children but not grandparents. Adult children believed that SA was associated with “living a long life” as revealed later,

…Successful ageing … I do not know … does it mean to “live a long life?” (MAC12, 27, daughter, permanent migrant).

…Successful ageing means having the physical health to live as long as other people … (MAC20, 35, daughter-in-law, permanent migrant).

For adult children, SA is equated with living a long life, a viewpoint likely shaped by societal norms and recent medical achievements that prioritize longevity as a primary marker of aging well. By contrast, grandparents prioritize living a healthy, happy, and meaningful life without burdening their descendants. They view aging as unsuccessful if it leads to chronic illness or dependence on their adult children. For them, successful aging encompasses not only longevity, but also quality of life—a blend of good physical health, happiness, and a sense of family and personal fulfillment.

Theme 3: Social Engagement and Protection

Social engagement and protection was the third most commonly occurring theme. This theme was framed by the experience of living across two countries and included three sub-themes.

Active social participation

Both migrant grandparents and adult children highlighted the important role of social participation in their older-age well-being. For example, as revealed by an adult child,

…older people need to join community and group activities. The communities and groups can be formed by friends, seniors, peers, former colleagues … (MAC12, 27, daughter, permanent migrant).

Some chose to join gym facilities or clubs (Nguyen et al., 2021), where they could play sports and make some new friends. However, social participation in the host country becomes challenging because of limited mobility. As one grandparent explained:

…I can drive, but my children forbid me from doing so out of concern for my safety. I want to visit places like the supermarket or park, … but I cannot ask my children to leave their jobs to accompany me. This leaves me feeling frustrated … Consequently, I spend most of my time gardening and caring for my granddaughter … (MG3, 63, grandfather, temporary migrant).

To increase social participation, grandparents found ways to maintain and develop their social support networks in the home country (see Nguyen et al. 2022). A grandparent revealed,

…In Vietnam, I have a tight-knit group of 10 friends from high school. I call and message them daily through Facebook or Zalo. This helps alleviate my feelings of boredom and distance … (MG12, 75, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Social respect and care

In our research, social respect and care is the category that discloses public attitudes and practices towards older adults. It was defined by one participant as “…the quality of one’s social relations…Vietnamese migrants expect to be cared for and not belittled in their community….” (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

Although participants revealed that social respect and care are well perceived in both cultures, relevant practices and policies were thought to be stronger and better developed in Australia than Vietnam. As a grandparent stated,

…I enjoy utilizing public services here (Australia). When I take the bus, people usually allow me to board first and save priority seats for me. When I visit the supermarket, the staff are always ready to assist me (smiles) … (MG10, 70, grandmother, temporary migrant).

The research findings confirm that age-friendly environments and facilities create a sense of being cared for and respected, contributing to SA.

Accessible senior care services

Senior care services encompass both publicly and privately available care resources. Adult children, more than grandparents, valued accessible senior care services as playing a crucial role in supporting SA. This finding reflects the higher appreciation of independent SA among adult children, with support from private and state services rather than only family support.

…older individuals require accessible services and community support. With accessible senior care services, the senior can manage their health issues and frailty independently, reducing dependence on busy adult children … (MAC9, 32, daughter, temporary migrant).

For grandparents, despite being heavily influenced by family oriented care, an accessible and supportive aged care system in Australia increased Vietnamese migrants’ awareness of independent SA without the need for significantly relying on family support. A grandparent shared,

…When my wife was sick, a doctor recommended various services for her, covering medical, psychological, and physical care. My adult children and I mostly offered emotional support. If we were in Vietnam, we wouldn’t have been able to afford such services … (MG19, 69, grandfather, permanent migrant).

These findings reveal that institutional support plays a pivotal role in supporting SA of older migrants. Cultural perceptions of SA are transformed with better institutional support.

Discussion

This study reinforces findings of recent research, by further demonstrating that migrants from collectivist and familistic cultures present distinct understandings of SA (Gambold, 2023; Hui Chian Teh et al., 2020; Torres, 2001, 2002). What we found strongly throughout the data is the important role of family in shaping all aspects of SA. Despite the cross-cultural experiences encountered in the host country, whereby individualism and liberalism often guide attitudes and practices toward privacy, self-reliance, and independence (Thomas, 1999; Tran, 2018). Alongside cross-cultural practices such as respecting individual decisions and accepting changes in manifestations of respect and care from descendants, Vietnamese migrants are unwilling to harm intrafamily relations under any circumstances. The primary rationale behind this is that intergenerational support and the quality of family relations continue to be pivotal in their ageing process.

Notably, the significance of the family is not confined to the “family fulfilment” category but extends to the “individual achievements” and “social enagagement and protection” components. In this study, Vietnamese migrants do not negate the “individual achievements” that are prominent metrics for SA in Western contexts (Cosco et al., 2014; Rowe and Kahn, 1987, 1997). However, where individual achievements in Western notions emphasize self-reliance and independence for the sake of older adults’ individual wellbeing (e.g., Depp and Jeste, 2006), Vietnamese migrant grandparents expressed commitment to maintaining good physical health, self-care, and independence for the wellbeing of their family members. They want to age heathily in order to not become a burden to their descendants and to enable them to continue supporting their families, for example through childcare and home management (Nguyen et al., 2023a). Thus, grandparents are content with a shorter life expectancy to avoid becoming a burden to their adult children, challenging studies that emphasize longevity as the primary indicator of SA (Cosco et al., 2014; Depp and Jeste, 2006).

When referencing professional success, grandparents emphasize that this should bring fame, prosperity, and honor to the family rather than being solely for personal gain. Adult children, in contrast, reflect exposure to individualistic culture through the migration process by viewing longevity and professional success as individual achievements. They recognize the societal familial benefits they bring; however, these benefits are perceived as even more significant by grandparents. This generational difference highlights one of the ways in which this study extends on existing understandings of the cultural diversity of SA.

In addition, the heterogeneity of Vietnamese migrants in Australia was evident in differences across class, gender, migration category and era of migration. In terms of class, it became evident that the social relational dimension manifested differently among two groups of grandparents with respect to financial security. Those with higher socioeconomic backgrounds place higher value on independent financial security, utilizing personal savings or retirement pensions. By contrast, grandparents with poorer socioeconomic conditions emphasize the obligation of their descendants to provide financial support during their aging. This highlights the need for closer attention to the economic constraints on independence and self-sufficiency (Cosco et al, 2014), and the nuanced relationship between structural inequalities and the cultural models of SA that people appear to prefer (Holstein and Minkler, 2003; Zhuo and Cao, 2024). Given the opportunity to draw on multiple cultural models of SA, it is possible that migrants draw on those which provide the most positive interpretation of their existing opportunities. Regardless, social–relational factors are highlighted in both cases—as both the reason for seeking to ensure independent financial security for those with greater economic means, and as the foundation of intergenerational obligations for those with lesser means.

In terms of gender, research findings clearly indicate that gender norms continue to influence grandparents’ perceptions of SA. Grandmothers have consistently fulfilled traditional gender roles by providing direct care and support to their descendants. Consequently, their views on what constitutes SA are influenced by their experiences of caregiving, shaped by societal expectations of women’s roles in nurturing and supporting family members, even across generations and in diverse familial contexts (Da, 2003). This expectation is deeply rooted in the concept of familism, which emphasizes the importance of family ties and responsibilities, particularly for women (Hoang et al., 2012).

Regarding migration category and era of migration, recent grandparent migrants tend to emphasize intergenerational care and support more than those who migrated decades ago. Older migrants who followed their adult children under the family reunification program have often adapted to the individualistic culture prevalent in Australia, striving to be independent and self-reliant. Despite this adaptation, they still harbor expectations of intergenerational care from their descendants, reflecting a blend of familistic values from their country of origin and the individualistic culture they now inhabit. In contrast, recent older migrants (post-2000s) or visiting grandparents have greater expectations toward intergenerational care, aligning more closely with familistic values that prioritize collective family well-being over individual independence (Triandis, 1995). The difference in expectations can be attributed to the cultural transition from familism to individualism. This cultural shift influences how older migrants perceive their roles and expectations within the family, with recent migrants adhering more closely to familistic norms, whereas those who have been in Australia longer exhibit a blend of both cultural values.

In the “social engagement and protection” category, the social relational dimension is subtly evident but remains prominent, particularly in two key categories: “active social participation” and “accessible senior care services.” Although wider non-kin social networks play a role, kin networks, particularly adult children and grandchildren, play a dominant role in supporting older Vietnamese migrants’ engagement in social activities and access to senior care services, particularly when grandparents face challenges such as language barriers or lack capacity to travel independently. The ability to engage in social activities and access to senior care services is heavily contingent on the availability of adult children to accompany them, presenting a marked difference from the situation in their home countries, where grandparents can be more capable of participating in social activities and navigating senior care services Nguyen et al. (2023b). Living overseas restricts these opportunities, highlighting the distinctive constraints faced by older migrants compared to non-migrants. In this vein, the social relational dynamics strongly shape the SA process of migrants, revealing how their experiences differ from those of non-migrants, particularly in the context of social engagement and accessing essential senior care services.

Conclusion

Based on the research findings, we unveil the social relational dimensions inherent in the concept of SA among Vietnamese migrants. These results highlight the profound influence of sociocultural factors on well-being, and underscore the significance of a subjective and culturally informed understanding of successful ageing. For Vietnamese migrants, the family continues to be a cornerstone in shaping the aging process. This study strongly advocates for attention to the important role of family, and its social relational and intergenerational dimensions, when examining SA. It emphasizes the importance of situating SA within specific sociocultural and institutional contexts to garner a more nuanced understanding of the concept. Notably, in the migration context, the perception of SA is not homogenous but rather fluid due to cultural exchanges. These findings highlight the valuable contributions of cultural, intersectional, and relational analyses in enhancing and broadening prevailing individualistic perspectives, which tend to define western medical approaches.

In the case of Vietnamese migrants, this fluidity is evident in the shifting ideologies toward old-age wellbeing between grandparents and adult children. Although the shifts in grandparents’ perceptions are subtle, there is a noticeable fluidity in the views of adult children. Exposed to education and immersed in the social and cultural life of Australia through work, adult children appear to adapt more to individualistic culture, placing greater emphasis on individual achievements and institutional support compared to their parents. This implies that even within a specific migrant group, there exists variability in perceptions of SA. Thus, when evaluating and measuring SA, it is imperative to consider elements such as age, class, gender, generation, region, time of migration, and sociocultural contexts.

Despite its strengths in presenting detailed and in-depth emic perspectives toward SA, this study faces certain limitations. The small sample size limits the generalizability of the research findings, which may not fully represent the broader population of Vietnamese migrants or the Vietnamese population generally. Additionally, participants predominantly belong to the “middling class,” and their perspectives may not fully capture those of lower or upper classes. Therefore, the introduced model of SA should undergo further examination with a broader sample of Vietnamese migrants and diverse cultural groups to enable meaningful comparisons and contrasts. As part of future research trajectories, we intend to develop a measure of SA among older migrants, utilizing the SA model introduced in this paper as a foundational framework.

Funding

This paper was developed under the PhD scholarship sponsored by Australian Government International Research Training Program (RTP) Scholarship, UWA Postgraduate Award, with additional support from the Edith Cowan University School of Arts and Humanities Research Funding. The paper is linked to “Ageing and New Media ARC” Project [DP160102552] led by Prof Baldassar and A/Prof Wilding.

Conflict of Interest

None declared.

Data Availability

The unidentified interview data was saved at UWA Institutional Research Data Store (IRDS) and ECU Social Ageing (SAGE) Futures Lab’s SharePoint. For further information on data availability, analytical methods, and materials, please contact the corresponding author. This study was not preregistered.

Acknowledgments

Certain portions of this paper were previously included in the first author’s dissertation (Chapter Nine) in mid-2023 (AGEING ACROSS TIME AND SPACE: The impact of mobility on late-life course transitions and the older-age wellbeing of Vietnamese migrant grandparents in Australia — the UWA Profiles and Research Repository), and also in a co-authored Book Chapter entitled: “Successful Ageing: The Novel Perspectives and Experiences of Vietnamese Migrants in Australia’ (https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-99-5382-0_4). However, approximately 80 percent of the content in this paper has been revised compared to the previously published materials. The authors would like to thank the research participants for their kind participation and valuable information. We are also grateful to Guest Editors of “Redefining Successful Ageing” Special Issue and anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and feedback.