Public Opinion About Gay Rights and Gay Marriage

Two striking features characterize the state of public opinion about gay rights in general and gay marriage in particular.¹ The first is the increasing level of support in some nations. As Page and Shapiro (1992) observe, large shifts over time in public policy preferences tend to be rare. In the case of gay marriage, however, polling reveals a number of rapid transformations. For example, support for gay marriage among Britons increased from only 16% in 1975 to 69% in 2014 (Ipsos MORI, 2014). In the United States, such support doubled from in 27% in 1996 to 54% in 2014 (Gallup, 2014). In Canada, it increased from 37% in 1993 to 61% in 2011 (Canadian Opinion Research Archive, 2014), and in France, it increased from 51% in 1995 to 65% in 2012 (IFOP, 2012). Put simply, a number of nations have witnessed “sea changes” in public opinion about gay marriage.

The other striking feature is the wide variation across nations in public opinion about gay rights and gay marriage, as well as related attitudes about gay men, lesbians, and homosexuality (see Table 1). Even within a single nation, such as the United States, public opinion can vary substantially across regions (Lewis & Oh, 2008). Looking at the national level, a 2013 survey of 16 “developed” nations found that support for full recognition of gay marriage was >75% in Sweden, Norway, and Spain but <30% in South Korea, Japan, and Poland (Ipsos, 2013). Polling also reveals vast differences across nations in public attitudes toward homosexuality. A 2013 survey of 39 nations found “broad acceptance of homosexuality in North America, the European Union, and much of Latin America, but equally widespread rejection in predominantly Muslim nations and in Africa, as well as in parts of Asia and in Russia” (Pew Research Global Attitudes Project, 2013).

Table 1

Public opinion about gay marriage and homosexuality in selected nations

Nation	Same-sex couples should be allowed to legally marry (%) (Ipsos, 2013)	Society should accept homosexuality (%) (Pew Research, 2013)
Swedena	81	–
Norwaya	78	–
Spaina	76	88
Belgiuma	67	–
Germany	67	87
Canadaa	63	80
Australia	54	79
Francea	51	77
Britaina	55	76
Italy	48	74
Argentinaa	48	74
Philippines	–	73
Mexicob	–	61
Brazila	–	60
United Statesb	42	60
Hungary	30	–
Japan	24	54
Venezuela	–	51
Poland	21	42
South Korea	26	39
South Africaa	–	32
China	–	21
Russia	–	16
Turkey	–	9
Malaysia	–	9
Kenya	–	8
Indonesia	–	3
Egypt	–	3
Pakistan	–	2
Nigeria	–	1

Notes. The Ipsos question also provided a response option for “same-sex couples should be allowed to obtain some kind of legal recognition, but not to marry.”

^aAs of June 1, 2014, provided legal recognition for gay marriage in all jurisdictions.

^bAs of June 1, 2014, provided legal recognition for gay marriage in some jurisdictions.

Research suggests that public opinion on these topics can carry important consequences. At the national level in Europe, public favorability toward homosexuality is associated with legal recognition of same-sex relationships (Hooghe & Meeusen, 2013). Similarly, public opinion about gay marriage is associated with public policy about the issue at the state level in the United States (Lewis & Oh, 2008). At the individual level, public opinion about gay rights not only reflects broad human, political, and religious values (Brewer, 2008; Fitzgerald, Winstone, & Prestage, this issue) but may also shape other political attitudes and behaviors, including voter turnout and vote choice, under some circumstances (Campbell & Monson, 2008; Lewis, 2005). Thus, it is critical to understand what shapes public views on gay rights, including gay marriage, as well as attitudes about gay men, lesbians, and homosexuality. Furthermore, research along such lines can advance our theoretical understanding of public opinion more broadly.

The studies in this special issue of the International Journal of Public Opinion provide a diverse set of insights regarding public opinion in nations from three continents: Asia, Europe, and North America. One of the aforementioned features of public opinion about gay rights—namely, the rapid transformations in support that have unfolded in some nations—provides opportunities for examining the dynamics of policy opinions. Becker does so by analyzing changes over time in the nature and antecedents of U.S. public opinion about whether school boards should have the authority to fire gay and lesbian teachers. The sharp divides in opinion across publics also provide potential leverage in exploring the foundations of individuals’ views about gay rights. Fitzgerald, Winstone, and Prestage extend research on such differences by testing whether the attitudes that migrants from Eastern Europe to Western Europe hold toward gay men and lesbians reflect an acculturation process.

Other studies in the special issue contribute to our knowledge about how demography, social contact, and media can shape public opinion about gay rights along with related attitudes. Looking at the U.S. context, Flores reconsiders whether the population density of LGB people in geographic regions (here, Congressional districts) helps to explain residents’ views on legal recognition for same-sex couples. Two articles focus on Asian populations, which comparatively few studies have examined and among which public support for gay rights remains comparatively low. Lau, Lau, and Loper test the effects of both interpersonal and imagined contact on public opinion about gay men, lesbians, and an antidiscrimination law in Hong Kong (where the visibility of gay men and lesbians in public life has increased dramatically), while Panchapakesan, Li, and Ho analyze how levels of attention to traditional news and Internet news are related to public opinion in Singapore (where gay and lesbian content is censored in traditional media).

Although the studies collected here capture the state of the art in research on public opinion about gay rights and gay marriage, much work remains to be done on the topic. Thus far, theoretically driven analyses of such opinion have tended to focus on a relatively small number of nations. As political developments on gay marriage continue in numerous countries, from Albania to Vietnam, that currently do not provide legal recognition for it, the field should follow. Public opinion researchers should also pursue related topics that have received comparatively little attention to date, such as public opinion about transgender rights and public attitudes toward transgender people. As sea change follows sea change in public opinion about gay rights, new research frontiers will undoubtedly emerge in the years to come.

¹The following account uses the terms “gay rights” and “gay marriage,” but it is worth observing that the use of language in describing the issues at hand may, in and of itself, carry implications for opinion. For example, McCabe and Heerwig (2012) find that use of alternative frames (“gay marriage,” “same-sex marriage,” or “homosexual marriage”) can alter the intensity of opinions expressed.