I

In 1879, the director of the Royal Library in Stockholm, Gustaf Klemming, published a major study of medieval Swedish liturgy into which, somewhat unconventionally, he incorporated single leaves of rare incunabula.1 Among these were fragments of the Breviarium Scarense, a liturgical handbook containing the office (or daily prayer cycle) as said by the clergy of the southern Swedish diocese of Skara in the fifteenth century, printed in Nuremberg in April 1498 on the orders of Bishop Brinolf Gerlaksson (r. 1478–1505).2 Its frontispiece depicts Gerlaksson in episcopal regalia, kneeling alongside Mary and St John before the crucified Christ, with a devotional speech bubble emerging from the prelate's mouth (see Plate). In a pastoral letter which served as the book's preface, the bishop addressed the rectors, curates and all other priests of Skara, setting out his reasons for committing the local liturgy to the still relatively new industry of the printing press. On recent episcopal visitations of the diocese, Gerlaksson explained, he had been shocked to find that clerics prayed from inaccurate breviaries and, in order to bring concord to the community's prayer, he had engaged the services of a printing workshop.3

Frontispiece, Breviarium Scarense (Nuremberg, 1498), commissioned by Bishop Brinolf Gerlaksson. Reproduced with permission from Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek.

Frontispiece, Breviarium Scarense (Nuremberg, 1498), commissioned by Bishop Brinolf Gerlaksson. Reproduced with permission from Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek.

The Skara breviary was not an isolated printing experiment or a Scandinavian anomaly, but rather part of an entire, virtually forgotten, genre of early printed books. Bishop Gerlaksson was not acting alone: between 1478 and 1501, over a hundred editions of Latin liturgical texts were printed on the orders of at least sixty-seven individual bishops for a total of fifty-two different dioceses, as official, reformed, diocesan products. The commissioners of liturgical incunabula included some of Latin Christendom's highest-ranking prelates, among them six cardinals — Jean Rolin (d. 1483) of France, Pedro Mendoza (d. 1495) and Ximenes de Cisneros (d. 1517) of Castile, Melchior von Meckau (d. 1509) of the Empire, John Morton (d. 1500) of England, and Fryderyk Jagiellon (d. 1503) of Poland. Present across late fifteenth-century Latin Christendom, from Linköping to Capua, from Toledo to Kraków, this episcopal printing initiative has passed almost completely below the radar of ecclesiastical and Reformation historians. To date, these episcopally commissioned incunabula have been the subject of only a handful of avowedly local studies, with the result that this class of early printed books has not yet been recognized, far less explored, as the European-wide ecclesiastical phenomenon that it is.4 This is a pity, because although liturgy is sometimes seen as an intimidating and esoteric field, Bishop Gerlaksson's breviary is an exciting book, for at least two reasons.

First, the 1498 Skara breviary and its fellows provide evidence that the high clerical elites of the Catholic Church actively and positively engaged with printing in the fifteenth century. In the Reformation period, Martin Luther and John Foxe triumphantly declared the printing press to be the willing handmaiden of Protestantism, a divine scourge against the Catholic Church, claims reinforced by A. G. Dickens in the 1970s.5 Even if Reformation historians now approach such statements with some scepticism, there remains a persistent sense that the religious potential of Gutenberg's press was not fully realized in the fifteenth century.6 In particular, the pre-Reformation Latin church hierarchy is widely regarded as having displayed a hostile and ultimately sterile attitude towards the press. The early printing censorship measures decreed by Archbishop Berthold of Mainz in January 1486, by Pope Innocent VIII in 1487, by Alexander VI in 1501 and by the Fifth Lateran Council in 1515 are often held up as typifying the high clergy's distrust of the new technology.7 Writers such as Eamon Duffy have tried to nuance this picture by implicitly contrasting clerical suspicion with the positive, enthusiastic engagement of a pious laity who avidly, and precociously, consumed early printed books of hours, saints' lives and simple devotional texts.8 Cristina Dondi, Guy-Marie Oury and James Clark have, meanwhile, emphasized the importance of religious orders in providing patronage and premises for early printing presses, but it has not yet been seriously argued that the secular/diocesan Catholic hierarchy engaged with printing in any wholehearted or systematic way before the Counter-Reformation.9 Bishop Gerlaksson's breviary therefore offers an immediate and intriguing corrective to that picture.

The Breviarium Scarense is also exciting because in its language, tone, structure and intentions the bishop's book bears a striking resemblance to a very famous sixteenth-century text, the ‘Tridentine’ Breviarium Romanum printed in Rome in 1568 on the orders of Pope Pius V, and to its sister-volume, the Missale Romanum of 1570. These Tridentine publications are celebrated in scholarship as landmark volumes in the history of Christian worship, which at a stroke abolished the plethora of local liturgies which had flourished in the monasteries and dioceses of medieval Europe, imposed the curial rite of Rome on the entire Catholic world, and constituted one of the hallmark reform projects of the Counter-Reformation papacy, part of a trinity of bold policies alongside the Index of Prohibited Books and the reinvigorated Holy Office of the Inquisition.10 Historians of Catholic reform have long struggled to find the antecedents of, or inspirations for, the Tridentine liturgies. The search for possible prototypes has focused mainly on books published in early sixteenth-century Italy, and chiefly on the ‘reformed’ breviary of Cardinal Francisco Quiñones (1535).11 Gerlaksson's Swedish incunabulum, and the hundred fifteenth-century editions like it, might help us to see the genesis of Pius V's Tridentine liturgies in a new light.

The humble Skara breviary therefore raises a number of questions, from the immediate to the larger-scale. Why, in the late fifteenth century, did Bishop Gerlaksson and other senior churchmen involve themselves with the printing press, and what benefits and implications did they see in the new technology? What, more generally, do these incunabula tell us about the evolving relationship between printing, reform and the Catholic Church in the century between Gutenberg and the Council of Trent? Moreover, what implications do these episcopally commissioned liturgies have for our understanding of the (much debated) impact of printing in late medieval Christendom? In her seminal research, which shaped early printing studies for a generation, Elizabeth Eisenstein declared that the press made the late medieval status quo untenable, a cultural ‘revolution’ which would of necessity trigger further revolutions (not least in the religious sphere).12 The liturgical books printed for late fifteenth-century bishops suggest, however, that these subversive, explosive effects were in no way inevitable or inherent to the technology itself; episcopally commissioned incunabula raise the possibility that printing might, conversely, alter the balance of power in European society in the opposite direction, consolidating priestly authority and boosting the control of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, a powerful tool in the hands of conservative forces.

The following discussion is built on two main planks of evidence. A quantitative strand, set out in the Appendix, presents the basic data on diocesan liturgical books commissioned by bishops and printed before January 1501 (though in incunabula studies all statistics are necessarily tentative).13 From the total of 107 identified editions, a sample of forty originals in rare book collections in the United Kingdom, Poland and the Vatican was then analysed in more detail.14 Taken together, these statistics and books might help us to navigate through the labyrinth of printing and reform, and into a late fifteenth-century world in which Adolf von Otto, physician to the bishop of Augsburg, could claim in 1487 — with an innocent enthusiasm which might strike the Reformation historian as shockingly naive — that printing was delivering great benefits to the Catholic Church: ‘Much is owed by all mankind to the art of printing, which appeared in our times through the goodness of almighty God … and above all, then, Christ's bride, the Catholic Church, illumined by this art and more beautifully adorned, meets her spouse’.15

II

In the decades after Gutenberg's experiments with the movable type press in 1450s Mainz, bishops printed a range of material, much of it sporadic, such as decrees of excommunication.16 However, the texts they most commonly committed to the press, by a significant margin, were books containing the local liturgy, the script and rubrics for worship. In theory, virtually all fifteenth-century Catholic clergy worshipped according to the Roman rite, the liturgical cycle of the papal chapel, but in the course of the Middle Ages every diocese and most religious orders had developed their own individual adaptations (‘uses’, or rubricae) of the Roman liturgy.17 Like their monastic brethren, secular clergy were obliged to sing the eight daily services which made up the divine office (cultus divinus), consisting of readings, psalms, hymns and prayers whose contents varied every day. The books printed by bishops from 1478 were chiefly texts for this purpose, the breviarium, diurnale and nocturnale.18 A bishop might also print a missale, used in the celebration of the Mass; an obsequiale and benedictionale from which priests administered occasional blessings; and a directorium or agenda, a handbook to guide clerics through the liturgical calendar.19 Confronted with the new technology of the printing press, the first impulse of fifteenth-century bishops was therefore not to print devotional texts (hagiographies and the like) for lay readers, but rather to equip their clergy with more efficacious copies of the books through which they enjoyed privileged communication with God (in praying from the breviary) and exercised formidable sacramental power (missals). On the eve of the Reformation, printing was thus used by bishops to entrench the status, and improve the functioning, of the Latin clergy.

In January 1478, Rupert von Simmern, prince-bishop of the city state of Strassburg, became the first recorded prelate to commission a printed liturgical book for his diocese. The Breviarium Argentinense and Directorium Argentinense were printed in Strassburg itself, by an unknown workshop. This move was quickly emulated by Prince-Bishop Rupert's immediate neighbours, to the north by Matthias von Ramung, prince-bishop of Speyer (Breviarium Spirense, November 1478), and to the south by Prince-Bishop Johannes von Venningen of Basel, whose Breviarium Basiliense was commissioned in May 1478.20 After this apparently spontaneous genesis in the Swiss-imperial borderlands, the official diocesan liturgical incunabulum spread speedily, radiating further outwards from Strassburg. The prince-bishops of Speyer and Basel were in turn copied by their own neighbours, the prince-bishops of Geneva and Würzburg, in 1479. In 1480, the phenomenon also spread to the French-speaking dioceses of Autun and Besançon, in Burgundy and Franche-Comté. In the 1480s, the trend took firm root in the Bavarian Church, at Eichstätt (1483), Regensburg (1485), Freising (1487) and Augsburg (1487), spreading also to Austrian Salzburg (1482) and Swiss Sion (1482) among others. In that same decade, episcopally commissioned liturgies also appeared further east, in the sees of Kraków in Poland (1484), Esztergom and Zagreb in the Hungarian kingdom (1480, 1484), and Olomouc in Bohemia (1488). In the 1490s, meanwhile, an important domino-style cluster occurred in Sweden, where the official Linköping breviary of 1493 was followed by those of Strängnäs in 1495, Uppsala in 1496 and Skara in 1498. The episcopally commissioned liturgical book thus flourished principally within the prince-bishoprics of the Holy Roman Empire (sixty-five of the 107 editions in the Appendix, or 60 per cent) and their French, Swedish and Polish neighbours. Within this hub, the practice chiefly spread from diocese to (near-)neighbouring diocese, as prelates apparently emulated one another. Although, as the Appendix shows, episcopal printing also occurred in central France and Iberia, here commissions were much more erratically distributed, both geographically and chronologically, with no clear pattern. On the far margins of this trend were England, with Cardinal John Morton's single ‘official’ Sarum missal of 1500, and, more surprisingly, Italy. Although possessed of one of the densest concentrations of bishoprics in the Catholic world, and in Venice host to a leading centre of fifteenth-century printing, the Italian peninsula proved barren territory for episcopal liturgies, represented only by the two breviaries printed for dioceses in the kingdom of Naples, Capua (1489) and Aversa (1499?).

The printing of official liturgies must have had a political context in many cases. Bishops (and cardinals) who served as royal or imperial chancellors, enjoyed a close blood tie to a European ruler, or who were themselves territorial sovereigns as prince-bishops all feature prominently in the Appendix. In Central Europe, for example, the Esztergom liturgies commissioned by King Matthias Corvinus himself, or the Kraków liturgies with their large woodcut depictions of Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon, son, brother and intimate adviser of the kings of Poland, surely implicitly glorified ruling regalist regimes.21 For prince-bishops such as those of Speyer, who throughout the late fifteenth century fought off attacks on their independence by the Rhine Palatinate, the celebration of diocesan identity through the printing of its rubrica was also most likely provocative, or defensive.22

Initially, it was the norm for bishops either to use existing local printers, or to invite a workshop to temporarily set up operations in their city seat. Later, this remained the preferred model among bishops of smaller or more remote dioceses, such as Sion (1482), Capua (1489) or Narbonne (1491). Over time, however, a number of specialist international workshops catering for episcopal needs emerged, and bishops increasingly sent their texts away for printing, often across state boundaries. Foremost among the master-printers who dominated this sub-industry was Erhard Ratdolt, who produced twenty-three episcopal commissions in his Venetian and Augsburg workshops from 1480. His close rival, the Nuremberg master-printer Georg Stuchs, printed nine liturgies for Polish, Swedish and German bishops from 1484. Other major players included Georg Reyser of Würzburg, Michael Wenssler of Basel, and the peripatetic Johann Sensenschmidt and Heinrich Petzensteiner.

The processes by which episcopal regimes initiated commissions, and managed their financial and legal relationships with printing workshops, remain obscure and ill-documented. The surviving 1508 contract between the bishop and chapter of Uppsala, and Lübeck printer Peter Hasse, dictates that the latter will bear the entire cost of the materials, production and distribution of a missal, sets the price and print run, and stipulates in meticulous detail the appearance of the finished product, but it is such a rare document that we cannot say if it is representative.23 Otherwise, we have only fragmentary pieces of information gleaned from surviving incunabula themselves. Print runs could range from 150 copies (Sion, 1482) to 850 (Uppsala, 1508).24 Most liturgical incunabula are mute on the subject of who bore the cost of their production, but the Gap breviary (1499) and Sarum missal (1500) boasted that the bishop himself had funded the project ‘suis proprijs expensis’.25 The economics of such enterprises therefore remain unhappily mysterious.

An episcopally commissioned liturgical book was, and remains, easily identifiable as such, containing one or more of a repertoire of characteristic features. These included visual depictions of the bishop himself (six of the forty editions studied), his coat of arms functioning as a seal (twelve editions), or a brief statement in the colophon explaining that the printer was fulfilling an episcopal commission (nine editions). The mark par excellence of an episcopally commissioned liturgy was, however, a one- to two-page preface setting out the bishop's rationale for engaging a printer (thirty-three editions), which could take the form either of a first-person pastoral letter from the prelate to his clerical flock (‘I, Brinolf, Bishop of Skara …’), or of an anonymous third-person statement (‘Archbishop Henry, having considered …’). These prefaces — a rich and central source of evidence for this printing phenomenon — purport to be the words of the bishop himself, or a statement drawn up on his behalf by his chancellery staff, but their precise authorship is unclear and they occasionally display a suspicious tendency towards homogeneity.26 Nonetheless, the fact that prefaces to liturgical incunabula settled into a recognizable pattern of rhetoric relatively quickly after 1478 does not necessarily mean that the sentiments expressed in them on behalf of diocesan regimes were purely rhetorical.

Episcopally commissioned printed liturgy was, then, an Alsatian invention which flourished principally in the Empire and its Scandinavian, Alpine and Slavonic frontiers, primarily a product of the north European Church, spearheaded by German-speaking prince-bishops, who were served by a sub-industry of specialist printers. We can now ask why a slice of the late fifteenth-century Latin episcopate decided to entrust these sacred texts to the noise and mess of early printing workshops, and what possible advantages a liturgical incunabulum could offer that a liturgical manuscript could not.

III

In the book prefaces, in what are purportedly their own words, bishops gave a simple, unanimous answer to that question: they repeatedly claimed that the commissioning of printed service books was first and foremost an urgent exercise in ecclesiastical reform. Melchior von Meckau, for example, in the preface to his Brixen missal of 1493, described the sleepless, anxious nights he had suffered before deciding that spiritual reform of his diocese was best inaugurated by the printing of an official liturgy.27 These protestations might ring hollow to us — no modern account has presented worship as the most pressing crisis facing the late medieval Church, so it is not immediately clear why bishops paint it as such. Prayer and the sacraments were, however, the principal means of communication between the Church on earth and the heavenly sphere, with priests and their books functioning as a kind of modem. As the prefaces spell out, if this communication functioned correctly, great benefits might result: God would be glorified, His aid invoked, propitiatory prayer offered for the sins of the world, souls saved and peace effected throughout Christendom.28 Conversely, inadequate or erroneous liturgical worship posed acute spiritual and physical dangers — those engaged in bad practice risked the offence and anger of Almighty God, inflicted serious damage on the Church, and jeopardized the salvation of both their own souls and those of their flock.29 There was, therefore, a lot at stake when a priest opened his liturgical text and cleared his throat to sing.

Bishops' prefaces typically begin by explaining why existing liturgical books were in urgent need of reform, and lurid descriptions of their faults form one of the chief leitmotifs of these texts. Three principal shortcomings are routinely identified: the unsatisfactory physical quality of circulating books, the dearth of available copies, and the corrupted nature of the texts themselves. Five bishops, for example, alleged that copies of their diocesan rubrica were in an advanced state of disrepair — Rudolf von Scherenberg of Würzburg and Giovanni Vassalli of Aversa both claimed that local books were ‘consumed with age’.30 More graphically, prefaces to the Speyer missal (1487) and Halberstadt missal (1498?) claimed that the pages of local books were literally crumbling away, their ink faded.31 A more common lament was that of dearth, with a quarter of the studied prefaces stating that there were simply not enough copies of the diocesan liturgy to go around: the texts talk of ‘a shortage of missals in this diocese’ (Åbo, 1488), ‘a great lack of missals’ (Mainz, 1493), ‘a scarcity of books’ (Aversa, 1499?).32

The single most insistent and plaintive refrain in the studied prefaces, however, is that local breviaries and missals contained serious textual inaccuracies — phrases such as ‘manifest errors’, ‘dark errors’, ‘corrupted and distorted’, ‘corrupted and incorrect’ are liberally sprinkled throughout.33 Textual corruption in effect meant variance, and varietas had a very specific meaning — a liturgical text was at fault if it deviated from the master copy of the diocesan rubrica, as housed in the see’s cathedral and used by the cathedral choir in daily worship. As prefaces to the Liège (1486) and Freising (1487) missals explained, the members of an ecclesiastical body should conform to the head, the cathedral, and all who prayed together in the Lord should do so in unanimity.34 In invoking the ideal of uniformitas, the prefaces are in the main referring to the praying of the divine office by clergy, but two German bishops pointed out that inconsistent wording also had potentially dangerous, compromising implications for the celebration of the Eucharist. The prefaces to the Würzburg and Speyer missals (1481, 1487) state, for example, that the bishop had acted in order to safeguard the integrity of the consecration, out of reverence for the body and blood of Christ.35

Having made the case for a wholesale reform of existing liturgical books, the prefaces go on to spell out how, in two easy steps, the new episcopally commissioned incunabulum would remedy the situation. The first stage of the bishop's reform was the appointment of scholars with expertise in the local liturgy. In fourteen of the studied prefaces these editors are named and their credentials stressed. In Åbo, the bishop called upon the services of the theology professor Daniel Egher, and in Aversa the self-declared polyglot Paolo Brassicitus (‘poet, astrologer, historian and theologian’) was employed.36 In Kraków, credit was given to the collective cathedral chapter, and in Speyer (1487) to certain well-regarded members of the cathedral choir.37 The role of these specialists was to prepare a perfectly accurate manuscript of the local rubrica, ready for typesetting. The printing of a diocesan liturgy therefore involved something more than simply lending a master-printer copies of the books currently used for cathedral worship. The text of the local rubrica had to be first treated in some way; preface after preface proclaimed that it was now ‘freed from faults’ (‘emendatus’, thirteen of the forty editions) and ‘amended’ (‘castigatus’, nine editions). In a particularly resonant formulation, the 1495 Strängnäs breviary proudly stated that the text of the local liturgy had been ‘reformed’.38 The specialists recruited by bishops were, in other words, required to act as editors.

Only a handful of prefaces contain any clues as to what liturgical ‘editing’ might involve, but these reveal the coexistence of two very different understandings of the task, and of liturgical reform itself. In the first camp, we find those who equated correcting with the incorporation of novel, additional materials into the diocesan liturgy. A central characteristic of late medieval Latin liturgy was its dynamic state of evolution, the dizzying speed with which it acquired new saints’ feast days and offices, porously absorbing quasi-apocryphal material.39 In such a context, correction of the rubrica essentially meant updating it, adding new saintly feasts to the diocesan calendar, and also expanding existing hagiographical content. The Liège missal of 1486, for example, boasted of its ‘new offices’, while the Uppsala and Speyer breviary prefaces (1496 and 1491) stressed the inclusion of ‘new histories’ of the Virgin Mary.40 In certain dioceses, by contrast, apparently humanist sensibilities prevailed. Sixtus von Tannberg's Freising missal (1492) promised to return local worship to the former observance of the diocese, while the bishop of Aversa made the same pledge. In Capua, Bishop Gaetano explained that ‘we have edited this work and restored it to its original state, that is the ancient and excellent liturgy of Capua’.41 These phrases suggest a belief that textual integrity was found in a return to older, maybe sparser, forms of the local rite, in a stripping-down (rather than a building-up) of liturgical material. These subtle variations in wording, suggesting quite divergent scholarly projects, reveal in embryonic outline the rancorous sixteenth-century battles over whether or not humanist principles could properly be applied to the reform of Catholic liturgy, a conflict which would lead to eventual stalemate at the Council of Trent.42

Perhaps surprisingly, the final step of the reform process, the actual mechanical reproduction of the freshly edited books, is mentioned only cursorily. The following line from a Kraków preface of 1484 is typically oblique: ‘Having had the texts edited most excellently, [the bishop] ordered them to be printed’.43 Only two prefaces elaborate at all on the rationale behind involving printing workshops. The Zagreb breviary (1484) explained that printing would invest the newly edited text with immortality, while the Capua breviary (1489) stated that the painstakingly corrected text might be completely lost through sloth and carelessness, so many copies of it were made by printing.44 Printing, in these cases, was seen to have special preservative power.

What were the ‘old’ liturgical books that the bishops so maligned? The obvious assumption would be that the books under rhetorical attack were liturgical manuscripts. If books in Würzburg and Speyer were literally falling apart with age, we might logically deduce that these must have been medieval manuscripts, produced decades or centuries earlier. In fact, our bishops’ complaints — decay, dearth and corruption — appear to chime almost exactly with the alleged shortcomings of the manuscript identified in the classic modern scholarship on early printing. Febvre and Martin, for example, argued in the 1950s that slow, manual copying of texts had led to a low total number of books in circulation in Europe (in other words to dearth), in contrast to the mechanical press which could make multiple copies available.45 Elizabeth Eisenstein, meanwhile, claimed that scribal copying inevitably led to an anarchy of textual error, with each successive transcription an ever fainter copy of a distant original, a process of decay halted only by Gutenberg's machine, which ushered in standardization.46 There is indeed some evidence that disgruntled bishops were explicitly attacking the manuscript as a form — in Zagreb, Speyer, Brixen and Halberstadt, prefaces blamed the errors of ‘careless scribes’, claiming that inaccurate copying subverted the liturgy.47

However, closer examination suggests that it is not only manuscripts which are under attack here as deficient liturgical tools, but incunabula too. The evidence for this lies, initially, in the shape of the book market itself. The 107 episcopally commissioned editions listed in the Appendix in fact formed only a small part of the wider market in printed liturgical books in the fifteenth century; they existed alongside a separate genre, the uncommissioned or unofficial diocesan printed liturgy. Before 1501, at least 490 diocesan rubrica editions were printed by workshops acting on private initiative, without an official commission, supplying clergy directly on a speculative basis.48 In a third of the dioceses listed in the Appendix, moreover, such ‘unofficial’ printed editions of the rubrica had been available for clergy to buy well before the advent of any episcopally sanctioned volume. In Augsburg, for example, no fewer than eleven unauthorized editions of the local liturgy had been printed by 1485, the date of Bishop Johannes de Werdenberg's pioneering official breviary; in Wrocław-Breslau, the diocesan authorities had been beaten to it by four independent editions, stretching back over sixteen years.49

Prefaces make direct criticisms of just such printed books. The first episcopally commissioned Freising breviary (1491), for example, claimed that there was a dearth of texts in the diocese notwithstanding the existence of earlier (unofficial) print runs, while the Salzburg directorium (1497) referred crossly to illicitly printed books.50 In Speyer, Bishop Ludwig von Helmstedt — one of the pioneers of episcopal printing — expressed his anger and frustration with printer-error: ‘In Christendom, the printing of uncorrected books poses great dangers; they are printed by printers who are either uneducated or do not keep within the boundaries of learning; they sell corrupt goods as pure ones and deceive the buyer, corrupt and pervert good morals and ultimately our faith’.51

Careless printers, just as much as careless scribes, are therefore blasted as corruptors of the local rubrica. Gutenberg's machine, far from being a panacea which would improve the world of late medieval books for ever (as Febvre and Martin, and Eisenstein suggested) is in these prefaces presented instead as a new, pernicious source of book dearth and liturgical error.52 Indeed, it is easy to imagine how unsupervised printing workshops, operating with manuscripts of their choice and of uncertain provenance, could use the press to replicate, accelerate and amplify textual error on a grander, far more lavish scale than scribes and scriptoria. The (uncontrolled) growth of the printing industry thus seems to have made the issue of liturgical degradation, in the eyes of some bishops, an increasingly urgent problem.

The reforming essence of episcopally commissioned books did not lie, therefore, in the simple fact of their being printed versions of the local rubrica; that in itself was hardly a novelty in many areas. Instead, the power of these books to transform diocesan worship lay in their claim to be the most authentic expression of the local liturgy, as texts edited by diocesan experts and issued in the name of the bishop himself. He was the final arbiter and patron of the local rubrica and so, by definition, any liturgical text approved by him would be the truest, most correct version of the local rite, the most pleasing to God and the most spiritually efficacious. It was thus in the authorized editing, and not the printing itself, that the true nub of liturgical reform lay.

It was not enough, however, for a bishop simply to make available to his clergy a perfectly accurate master text, and this brings us to the final theme of the prefaces. In order to fully achieve the ideal of unanimitas in diocesan worship it was logically imperative that as many clergy as possible (and ideally all of them) adopted the bishop's book, and that the episcopal volume became the dominant, or the only, version in use. In the prefaces, we therefore find bishops employing a range of tactics to encourage acquisition of their books and the abandonment of alternative editions. At the gentler end of the spectrum, bishops simply stressed the superior production quality of their edition, its pleasing letter-shapes, excellent characters and the ‘clear’ calendar of feasts.53 In the five sees of Würzburg, Speyer, Åbo, Strängnäs and Skara, bishops offered a tangible incentive which no rival edition could match, a forty-day episcopal indulgence for any cleric who sang Mass or the divine office from the new official book.54 Other prefaces instead made direct appeals to the would-be clerical buyer. In Freising, Sixtus von Tannberg urged priests to buy his book to bring glory to Christ (1492); Cardinal Melchior von Meckau declared that any cleric failing to buy the Brixen missal would incur his personal displeasure (1493), while Bishop Gaetano of Capua (1489) warned that anyone foolhardy enough not to buy the official breviary risked his own soul.55

In a handful of dioceses, bishops went further and attempted to award their editions a complete monopoly in the local book market. One Missale Cracoviense carried on its opening pages the privilege granted by Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon to the printer Georg Stuchs, banning any other workshop (in Christendom?) from undertaking production of a missal for the Polish diocese.56 Other bishops simply compelled their clergy outright to purchase the episcopally commissioned volume. Six prefaces include the canonically coercive words requirimus, monemus and mandamus — in Würzburg (c.1482), Liège (1486), Freising (1487), Speyer (1487), Strängnäs (1495) and Uppsala (1496).57 In Strängnäs and Liège, deadlines of two months and a mere fifteen days respectively were set for acquiring the bishop's book, and the penalties for failing to do so were spelled out — excommunication of offending clergy, compounded with a 3 mark fine in the Swedish case.58 There are hints, however, that such coercive policies might have been more widespread, and not necessarily recorded in the incunabula themselves. The Würzburg Agenda (c.1482), for example, mentions in passing that purchase of an earlier official missal had been made compulsory by episcopal decree, while in 1491 Bishop Friedrich von Zollern of Augsburg issued a printed broadside, formally requiring clergy to buy his new commissioned missal with all haste, or face ecclesiastical suspension.59

It is with such forced-purchase policies that we see the consummation of this late fifteenth-century episcopal campaign to reform diocesan worship via printing: the ideal of combined accuracy and unanimity was most likely to be realized in those areas where episcopal power over the clergy was most forcefully asserted. The reform of Catholic worship was thus most effective, and most meaningful, when the potential of the printing press was married to the jurisdictional, personal might of a late medieval bishop — and to the spiritual authority of the Latin Church itself.

IV

If reform via printing was reliant for its success on the energetic exercise of episcopal authority, such printing projects (in a virtuous circle) also had the potential significantly to increase that authority, in a number of different ways. In a legal relationship with a chosen printing workshop, from the 1470s bishops had the potential to control a newly centralized process of book production as never before. Top-down ecclesiastical reform and printing could be natural bedfellows.

In the first instance, an ‘official’, printed rubrica book linked the person and office of the bishop with these touchstone diocesan texts more tightly than ever before. In liturgical manuscripts (and, for that matter, non-commissioned incunabula), the bishop himself had been a very faint presence indeed. Among the forty-one thirteenth- to fifteenth-century diocesan liturgies held in the British Library's manuscript collection, for example, the bishop is a virtually invisible presence, usually referred to in passing, and anonymously, only in the prayers of the Canon, ‘oremus pro N episcopo’.60 By contrast, in episcopally commissioned incunabula, the bishop was rendered highly visible through both visual and textual devices. In Regensburg, Kraków, Skara and Toledo, readers of ‘official’ liturgies were faced with prominent, frontispiece depictions of Heinrich von Abensberg with St Peter, Fryderyk Jagiellon with St Stanislas, Brinolf Gerlaksson with Christ, Mary and St John (see Plate), and Ximenes de Cisneros with the Virgin.61 Books were also frequently stamped with the commissioner's heraldic devices — the 1495 Uzès missal, for example, carried the seashell arms of Bishop Nicolaus Maugras.62 The prefaces themselves further underscored the intimate association between bishop and book, as the opening words of a liturgical edition now typically consisted of a full list of the reigning bishop's titles: ‘Ernst, by the grace of God and the Holy See Archbishop of Magdeburg and Primate of Germany, administrator-bishop of Halberstadt, Duke of Saxony, Landgrave of Thuringia …’63 The episcopally commissioned, printed book therefore gave bishops new opportunities to stamp themselves on core local texts. As such, the ‘official’ printed liturgy was a visible embodiment, and constant reminder, of episcopal authority within the late fifteenth-century diocese.

The very act of issuing a single liturgical book for a diocese, now rendered a relatively quick and straightforward act by the printing press, was an assertion of the bishop's authority over both the rubrica and his flock. Before 1478, the bishop's control over the diocese's liturgical books, their contents and production, had been largely nominal and reactive. Traditionally, priests and parishes had acquired liturgical books on their own private initiative by engaging scribes on an ad hoc basis, as contracts from fifteenth-century Poland and England show.64 The bishop could, at most, monitor the contents of such books, by ordering archdeacons to carry out checks of priests' texts during synods and parish visitations, or by asking scribes to submit their handiwork to the cathedral for checking.65 This state of affairs in theory changed radically in Würzburg, Liège, Speyer, Freising, Strängnäs, Uppsala and Augsburg, where purchase of episcopally commissioned incunabula was made compulsory. In these dioceses, the bishop not only removed from local churches the right to choose and procure their own service books, but dictated how much parishes would pay — the hefty sum of 5 florins, for example, for the compulsory 1487 Missale Frisingense, or 1 florin for the Agenda Herbipolensis.66 Moreover, existing liturgical books were theoretically forced into immediate retirement — the 1495 Strängnäs preface stated explicitly that the use of old service books was forbidden.67 Such a move would surely have proved unpopular in many quarters. Fifteenth-century Swedish visitation records studied by Sven Helander reveal that some parishes worshipped from missals copied over two hundred years earlier, books which functioned as repositories of community memory in which generations of priests had informally recorded marriages, births and deaths.68 Local elites, who commonly donated missals to a parish church, perhaps in return for posthumous masses, also found that their gifts had technically become defunct overnight.69

A bishop might therefore find that commissioning a printed missal or breviary, and emerging as a champion of worship reform, could prove an effective strategy (if not a pretext) for an attempted increase of his own power, vis-à-vis his clergy, their parishioners, printers and scribes. Working within the existing legal and institutional structures of the Church, but armed with the new tool of the printed book, bishops had the potential to concentrate power around the episcopal palace, publicly celebrate their spiritual leadership and impose their own will more effectively — in other words, to engage in a form of institution-building and centralization within the late medieval diocese. As Protestant princes and Counter-Reformation popes would later discover in the sixteenth century, the zealous pursuit of religious reform could be a most promising way of extending earthly power. The service books printed by episcopal order from 1478 were, therefore, unlikely to have been experienced by priests and their parishioners as either democratizing or empowering.

V

This discussion has focused on books printed before 1501 — this is the point at which the rich catalogues of the world's incunabula holdings stop, and there is no comparable body of data for books printed in the sixteenth century. Nonetheless, episcopally commissioned liturgies appear to have had their heyday in the 1480s and 1490s, with the genre withering on the vine on the eve of the Reformation. VD 16, a catalogue of books printed in German-speaking areas in the sixteenth century, charts the drying-up of the phenomenon: compared with the thirty-one episcopally commissioned liturgies printed between 1491 and 1500 for dioceses in the Holy Roman Empire (see Appendix), VD 16 records sixteen such editions between 1501 and 1510, fourteen in the decade 1511–20, and just two in the years 1521–30, ending with the Eichstätt breviary of 1525.70 There followed a hiatus of almost a century: Würzburg saw no new printed editions of its rubrica (episcopally commissioned or otherwise) between 1509 and 1613; Salzburg witnessed a similar gap from 1515 to 1605; and this pattern was repeated in all the south-German dioceses studied by Daschner.71

A number of hypotheses might be advanced to account for this. If we see episcopal commissions as a fashion, a fad ignited by bishops' excitement at the novelty of printing technology, it is understandable that such a movement might burn itself out. Alternatively, it might be that this market simply became saturated by the 1520s, because fifteenth-century bishops had successfully printed sufficient copies to supply clergy for generations. An inventory of Kraków cathedral compiled as late as 1563 found that the principal copies of the Missale Cracoviense in the shrine's chapels and altars were still those printed by Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon and Bishop Jan Konarski in the 1490s and early 1500s.72 In many core liturgical printing areas, the Reformation itself naturally put a complete and abrupt stop to the old Latin liturgy from the 1520s, in Strassburg (1523), Basel (1523), Constance (1524) and Augsburg (1537). Perhaps the most useful explanation for the near-extinction of the episcopally commissioned liturgy, however, is that hinted at by Hubert Jedin. He charts how Catholic debates over liturgical reform across Latin Europe reached stalemate in the first half of the sixteenth century because of very deep divisions over whether the liturgy should be edited down to an earlier form (by humanists) or kept up to date with the latest offices. As churchmen awaited an ecumenical council to resolve the impasse, initiatives to improve liturgical practice were simply paralysed.73

Then, forty-three years after the apparently brutal and terminal eclipse of this phenomenon by the Reformation and its attendant crises, the official printed liturgical book was suddenly resurrected, phoenix-like, in quite a different part of Europe — the papal court itself. In March 1546 and October 1562, the Council of Trent debated the thorny question of liturgical reform. A committee was charged with the task of preparing a reformed Latin missal and breviary (in the pure ‘curial’ rite of the papal chapel), but by the time of the Council's last session in December 1563, these churchmen had conspicuously failed to make any headway. Trent's final decrees stipulated that the task of reforming liturgical books should devolve to the Holy See itself. Between 1563 and 1568, a second committee, convened by Pius V and presided over by Cardinals Bernardino Scotti and Guglielmo Sirleto, prepared the text of a corrected, reformed breviary.74 The Breviarium Romanum — ‘restored by order of the most holy Council of Trent, issued on the orders of His Holiness Pope Pius V’ — was printed in Rome by Paolo Manuzio in July 1568, followed two years later by the reformed Missale Romanum.75

To any student of the fifteenth-century bishops' liturgies, the design and content of Pope Pius V's volumes is immediately and surprisingly familiar. The frontispiece of the 1570 missal, for example, depicts Pius V kneeling in pontifical regalia before the Archangel Michael, accompanied by his Ghislieri family arms, a composition which closely mirrors the earlier title-page representations of Cardinal Ximenes de Cisneros, Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon and Bishop Heinrich von Abensberg. More particularly, the papal bulls Quod a nobis and Quo primum tempore, which served as prefaces to the 1568 breviary and 1570 missal respectively, are very close relatives of the episcopal prefaces found in fifteenth-century incunabula. In the first of the two almost identical bulls, Pius V stated that he was mindful of the duties of his pontifical office and alarmed by the mutilated and corrupt state of existing copies of the Roman breviary, ‘which differ from one another’. He had therefore engaged editors, instructing ‘skilled men’ to prepare a definitive new liturgical text, which was subsequently entrusted to the printing press. Any priest praying from this corrected, printed edition was offered a papal indulgence of a hundred days. A coercive instruction immediately followed this sweetener: Pius V ordered that, thereafter, every single priest in the Catholic world had to pray the divine office using his reformed, printed edition, putting aside their old, local rubrica texts. Various deadlines were set for acquiring the new papal breviary — one, three and six months respectively for those residing in Rome, ultramontane Europe and the lands beyond. In addition, to keep the new breviary ‘unviolated and uncorrupted’, a world monopoly to print the corrected text was granted to Paolo Manuzio of Rome.76

At present, it is very difficult to say whether the (almost exclusively Italian) clerics behind the Tridentine printed liturgies — the Trent committee, Cardinals Scotti and Sirleto, and Pius V himself — were consciously using the earlier episcopal incunabula as a model for the Tridentine volumes, and the fifteenth-century prefaces as a direct template for the bulls of 1568 and 1570, or whether, in happy ignorance and with some coincidence, the Roman reformers reinvented the wheel and independently and accidentally developed a near-replica of the books printed, and the letters composed, across Northern European dioceses ninety years earlier.77 Whatever the precise relationship between these two bodies of reformed, printed liturgical books commissioned by top Catholic clergy, the intimate similarities between these projects allow us to make a number of observations.

Scholarship on the Tridentine liturgies, perhaps seduced by the confident prose of Pius V's bulls, has by implication tended to present the Breviarium Romanum and the Missale Romanum as bolts from the blue, and as examples of original papal policy-making. Direct ancestors or not, the 107 bishops' incunabula editions reveal that the Tridentine liturgies in fact enjoyed a long prehistory: the reform of worship via ‘corrected’ printed books for clergy was a well-tested, established and even venerable policy within the Catholic hierarchy by the mid sixteenth century, even if it was one which had fallen into abeyance. Pius V's famous books were thus the resumption of a rich, high clerical, tradition, with its roots not in the Rome of the 1560s, but in the prince-bishoprics of the Holy Roman Empire in the 1470s, in Strassburg not Trent.

Thinking further about this historical relationship, Manuzio's books of 1568 and 1570 can be seen as the logical culmination of fifteenth-century episcopal printing initiatives. When bishops such as Johannes de Hoerne of Liège (1486) or Stanislas Turzo of Olomouc (1499) had spoken of liturgical uniformitas in their prefaces, their sole concern had been for uniformity within the diocese. Uniformitas would, however, increasingly be understood in a different way: if a lack of concord in worship within a single diocese was displeasing to God, then the cacophonous discrepancies between Europe's 700-odd dioceses might be an even greater source of divine offence. In 1490, the Salzburg provincial synod suggested that all dioceses in the area should share a single rubrica, and Jedin has shown how national synods from the early sixteenth century repeatedly called for a pruning-back of existing liturgical diversity. Cristina Dondi, meanwhile, has argued that liturgies printed by the Hospitaller Order reveal a similar desire for a confluence towards a single Catholic rite.78 As liturgical reform became more universal in its meaning, and rose up the Catholic reform agenda, it also climbed ever higher up the Church's hierarchy — from bishop, to synod, to ecumenical council, to pope.

Once adopted by the papacy in the 1560s, the policy of printing official, reformed service books had significant implications for the ecclesiastical balance of power, reproducing some of the tensions first created by bishops' liturgical incunabula, but much amplified. Just as the incunabula had had the potential to centralize spiritual and jurisdictional power around the person and office of the bishop, the Tridentine liturgies augmented the prestige of the papal monarchy — the pontiff himself now commissioned and authorized for distribution liturgical books for every Catholic priest, in Europe and beyond. Local elites theoretically lost out to this Counter-Reformation printing experiment, just as they had done in late fifteenth-century Augsburg or Würzburg — in the 1560s, the losers were diocesan bishops themselves, who saw their traditional right to manage and choose the local liturgy stripped away by Quod a nobis, the very right which their late medieval forebears had earlier sought to entrench through printing.

The history of reformed, printed Catholic liturgies between 1478 and 1568 might also allow us to sketch a speculative, wider model for the functioning of papal reform in the mid sixteenth century. The fifteenth-century bishops' experimental breviaries and missals were (consciously or otherwise) adopted by Pius V's regime and reinvented as an avowedly Roman, pontifical product. This tendency, energetically to appropriate or draw on locally piloted reform initiatives, can also be observed in other key texts produced by the Counter-Reformation papacy in this period — in Paul IV's 1559 Index of Prohibited Books, which followed the indices earlier issued by the Sorbonne (1544, 1545, 1547, 1549, 1551, 1556), the university of Louvain (1546, 1550, 1558), the governments of Venice and Milan (1549, 1554), and the Inquisitions of Portugal (1547, 1551) and Spain (1551, 1554, 1559), or in the 1564 Tridentine Catechism, anticipated by those of Bishop Stanisław Hozjusz (1553) and the Jesuit Peter Canisius (1555).79

Ultimately, these pioneering early printed liturgies and the bishoprics which had commissioned them became the victims of their own success. Quod a nobis not only limited the autonomy of sixteenth-century bishops in liturgical matters, but in outlawing all local uses of the Roman rite which could not prove an antiquity of at least two centuries, Pius V also sounded a legal death knell for the hundreds of little breviaries and hefty missals printed decades earlier by Erhard Ratdolt, Georg Stuchs, Georg Reyser and their peers. Rendered obsolete, canonically suspect and ultimately objects of purely antiquarian interest, these early printed books became in a sense historically invisible — Quod a nobis thus deftly covered up the footprints of the Catholic hierarchy's relationship with liturgy, printing and reform in the critical half-century before the Reformation, and 1568 became year zero. It is for this reason that Pius V's Breviarium Romanum is flagged up in every textbook on the Counter-Reformation, while Brinolf Gerlaksson's 1498 Breviarium Scarense languishes in single-leaf fragments in European and North American libraries, a fragile and forgotten survivor of a major late medieval reform project.

In summary, then, incunabula such as Bishop Gerlaksson's 1498 Skara breviary demonstrate that — about two decades after Gutenberg's breakthroughs in Mainz, and five years before the birth of Martin Luther — Catholic, mainly German-speaking bishops consciously employed printing as a tool of ecclesiastical reform. They engaged printing workshops not because the incunabulum was self-evidently a superior form of book to the manuscript, but in order to intervene in an unregulated and burgeoning printing industry, which threatened the integrity of Catholic liturgy through the dissemination of unreliable texts. It was the new technology's centralized production process, however, which held an attraction in its own right, for it enabled bishops to exercise an unprecedented degree of control over the presentation, content and distribution of service books in their diocese, and thereby acted as an instrument of institution-building as well as reform. Having peaked in the 1490s and thereafter declined dramatically, this printing-reform policy was resurrected by the Counter-Reformation papacy, in the ‘Tridentine’ Breviarium Romanum (1568) and the Missale Romanum (1570). When Rupert von Simmern commissioned the first official printed liturgy for his prince-bishopric of Strassburg in 1478, he believed that the most compelling, spiritually beneficial and necessary use of the press by the Latin Church was the production of correct liturgical books to aid priests in their core sacerdotal functions of praying and administering the sacraments; almost a century later, on the far side of the Luther controversy and the Reformation pamphlet wars, Pius V agreed.

APPENDIX

PRINTED LITURGICAL BOOKS FOR DIOCESAN USE COMMISSIONED BY CATHOLIC BISHOPS BEFORE 1501

No. Date of Printing Liturgical Text (Diocese) Commissioning Bishop Printer Place of Printing ISTC Reference 
1* 12 Jan. 1478 Breviarium Argentinense (Strassburg) Rupert von Simmern (1440–78) Unknown Strassburg ib01146600 
1478 Directorium Argentinense (Strassburg) Rupert von Simmern (1440–78) Printer of Henricus Ariminensis ‘De IV virtutibus’ Strassburg id00261800 
3* After May 1478 Breviarium Basiliense (Basel) Johannes von Venningen (1458–79) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01149000 
4* 21 Nov. 1478 Breviarium Spirense (Speyer) Matthias von Ramung (1463–78) Peter Drach Speyer ib01181000 
31 Aug. 1479 Breviarum Gebennense (Geneva) Johannes Ludovicus of Savoy (1460–c.1481) Louis Cruse Geneva ib01162100 
After 20 Sept. 1479 Breviarium Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Stephan Dold, Georg Reyser, Johannes Beckenhub Würzburg ib01162400 
7* 10 Mar. 1480/1 Breviarium Aeduense (Autun) Cardinal Jean Rolin (1436–83) Ulrich Gering Paris ib01145100 
Before 21 May 1480 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01152000 
9* Before 13 June 1480 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) ‘Georgius de Spira’ (Georg Reyser?) Strassburg/ Würzburg/ Speyer? ib01176000 
10 29 June 1480 Agenda Moguntinensis (Mainz) Dieter von Isenburg (1475–82) Johann Neumeister Mainz ia00162000 
11 17 Aug. 1480 Breviarium Bisuntinense (Besançon) Charles de Neufchâtel (1463–98) Bernhard Richel Basel ib01150175 
12 12 Nov. 1480 Breviarium Strigoniense (Esztergom) King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, with suffragan bishop Michael Turzo (1468–1500) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01183050 
13 After 8 Nov. 1481 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00663900 
14 1481/2 Obsequiale Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler Basel io00003100 
15 c.1482 Obsequiale Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler / Peter Drach Basel/Speyer io00003200 
16* 1482 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Bernhard von Rohr (1466–84) Nicolaus de Frankfordia Venice ib01178000 
17 Not before 1482 Breviarium Sedunense (Sion) Walther Supersax (1457–82) Antoine Neyret Chambéry ib01180000 
18* After 2 June 1482 Agenda Herbipolensis (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg ia00161000 
19 23 Feb. 1483 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Georg Reyser Würzburg ib01161000 
20 16 July 1483 Breviarium Misnense (Meissen) Johann von Weissenbach (1476–87) Simon Koch? Meissen ib01168000 
21 14 Dec. 1483 Breviarium Toletanum (Toledo) Cardinal Pedro Mendoza (1482–95) Johannes Herbort Venice ib01183550 
22 c.1484 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Georg Reyser Würzburg ib01161300 
23 1484 Breviarium Strigoniense (Esztergom) King Matthias Corvinus Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01183100 
24 After 19 Feb. 1484 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00664000 
25* 10 Nov. 1484 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Jan Rzeszowski (1471–88) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00658000 
26* 9 Dec. 1484 Breviarium Zagrabiense (Zagreb) Oswaldus (1466–99) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01187450 
27 24 Dec. 1484 Breviarium Tarraconense (Tarragona) Petrus de Orrea (1445–89) Nicolaus Spindeler Tarragona ib01183300 
28* After 5 Mar. 1485 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Johann Sensenschmidt, Johann Beckenhub Regensburg im00686500 
29 30 Apr. 1485 Breviarium Augustanum (Augsburg) Johannes de Werdenberg (1409–86) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01146900 
30* May 1485 Breviarium Cameracense (Cambrai) Henn de Bergis (1480–1502) Jean du Pré Paris ib01150500 
31 18 Mar. 1486 Breviarium Tarentasiense (Moûtiers-en-Tarentaise) Jean de Compeys (1483–92) Johannes Waltheri Moûtiers ib01183200 
32* 7 July 1486 Missale Leodiense (Liège) Johannes de Hoerne (1483–1505) Ludwig von Renchen Cologne im00667850 
33 27 Sept. 1486 Breviarium Virdunense (Verdun) Guillaume de Haraucourt (1457–1500) Jacobus Barbet Venice ib01187340 
34 7 Nov. 1486 Breviarium Carnotense (Chartres) Millo d'Illiers (1459–92) Johannes Hamman Venice ib01150650 
35* 1 Feb. 1487 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00001000 
36* After 14 Mar. 1487 Missale Spirense (Speyer) Ludwig von Helmstedt (1478–1504) Johann Sensenschmidt, Heinrich Petzensteiner Bamberg im00721900 
37 5 Apr. 1487 Breviarium Gebennense (Geneva) Francis of Savoy (1484–90) Louis Cruse, Johannes de Stalle Geneva ib01162150 
38 1 July 1487 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00001500 
39 14 July 1487 Breviarium Numburgense (Naumburg) Dietrich von Schauemberg (1481–1517) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01172700 
40 16 Aug. 1487 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Jan Rzeszowski (1471–88) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00658020 
41* 31 Aug. 1487 Missale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Johann Sensenschmidt, Heinrich Petzensteiner Freising/ Bamberg im00660000 
42 1487/88 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01176500 
43 1488 Obsequiale Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Michael Reyser Eichstätt io00003500 
44 4 Mar. 1488 Missale Olomucense (Olomouc) Jan Vitez (1487–9) Johann Sensenschmidt Bamberg im00677000 
45* After 17 Aug. 1488 Missale Aboense (Åbo) Conrad Bitz (1460–89) Bartholomaeus Ghotan Lübeck im00644000 
46 15 Nov. 1488 Breviarium Brandenburgense (Brandenburg) Joachim von Bredow (1485–1507) Moritz Brandis Leipzig ib01150360 
47 24 Jan. 1489/90 Breviarium Viennense (Vienne) Angelus Cato (1482–95) Johannes Neumeister Lyon ib01187330 
48* 10 Mar. 1489 Breviarium Capuanum (Capua) Giordano Gaetano (1447–96) Cristannus Preller Capua ib01150600 
49 Not before 10 Mar. 1489/90 Breviarium Ebredunense (Embrun) Johannes Bayle (1458–1510) Jacobus Rubeus Embrun ib01158700 
50 20 July 1489 Breviarium Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01150400 
51 1489–90 or 1491 or c.1500 Agenda Argentinensis (Strassburg) Albrecht von Bayern (1479–1506) Michael Furter / Martin Schott Basel/Strassburg ia00160000 
52 c.1490 Breviarium Numburgense (Naumburg) Dietrich von Schauemberg (1481–1517) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01172800 
53 After 25 Jan. 1490 Breviarium Curiense (Chur) Orrlieb von Brandis (1458–91) Adam von Speyer Basel ib01158500 
54 12 May 1490 Breviarium Pataviense (Passau) Friedrich von Oettingen (1486–90), Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01175000 
55 27 Nov. 1490 Breviarium Pataviense (Passau) Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01175100 
56* c.1491 Missale Lingonense (Langres) Jean d’Amboise (1481–98) Jean du Pré Paris im00669000 
57 c.1491 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Thomas Berlower (1491–6) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01156000 
58 1491 Breviarium Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01162000 
59 After 1 Feb. 1491 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00664500 
60* After 10 Feb. 1491 Breviarium Spirense (Speyer) Ludwig von Helmstedt (1478–1504) Johann Grüninger / Peter Drach Strassburg/ Speyer ib01182000 
61 12 Feb. 1491 Obsequiale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg io00004000 
62 31 Oct. 1491 Breviarium Narbonense (Narbonne) Commissioned by vicar general, Radulphus Boisseli Jean du Pré Narbonne ib01172400 
63* 1492–3 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Heinrich Petzensteiner, Lorenz Sensenschmidt, Johann Pfeyl Bamberg im00686650 
64 3 Jan. 1492 Breviarium Toletanum (Toledo) Cardinal Pedro Mendoza (1487–95) Johannes Hamman Venice ib01183600 
65 20 Jan. 1492 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Heinrich Petzensteiner, Johann Pfeyl Bamberg im00686600 
66* 17 Mar. 1492 Missale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg im00660300 
67* Not before 1493 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Unknown im00658100 
68* Jan. 1493 Breviarium Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01146950 
69 8 Jan. 1493 Obsequiale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00003800 
70* 3 Apr. 1493 Missale Moguntinum (Mainz) Berthold von Henneberg (1484–1504) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00674500 
71 Apr. 1493 Breviarium Lincopense (Linköping) Henricus Tidemann (1466–1500) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01164000 
72* 17 Aug. 1493 Missale Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg im00653000 
73 After 1 Oct. 1493 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00665000 
74 After 1493 Obsequiale Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00003000 
75 18 Aug. 1494 Diurnale Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283000 
76 15 Sept. 1494 Diurnale Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283050 
77* 30 Sept. 1494 Diurnale Pataviense (Passau) Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00287350 
78 21 Jan. 1495 Breviarium Lemovicense (Limoges) Jean Barton de Montbas (1484–1510) Jean Berton Limoges ib01162495 
79 After 8 Mar. 1495 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666000 
80 31 May 1495 Obsequiale Salisburgense (Salzburg) Sigismund von Hollenegg (1494–5) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg io00005000 
81* 18 July 1495 Breviarium Strengnense (Strängnäs) Konrad Rogge (1479–1501) Johannes Fabri Stockholm ib01183000 
82* 4 Aug. 1495 Missale Ucetiense (Uzès) Nicolaus Maugras (1483–1513) Michel Topié, Johann Neumeister Lyon im00729700 
83 10 Oct. 1495 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Rupert II, duke of Bayern-Simmern (1487–1507) Johann Pfeyl Bamberg ib01177000 
84 1 May 1496 Graduale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius von Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg ig00329730 
85 After 6 May 1496 Diurnale Constantiense (Constance) Hugo von Landenberg (1496–1530) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283450 
 86* 30 Sept. 1496 Breviarium Upsalense (Uppsala) Jakob Ulfsson (1469–1515) Johannes and Anna Fabri Stockholm ib01187000 
 87 1497 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Gabriel von Eyb (1496–1535) Michael Furter Basel ib01161400 
 88 15 Jan. 1497 Directorium Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00264000 
 89* 20 Mar. 1497 30 May 1497 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Leonard von Keutschach (1495–1519) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01178100 
 90 After 11 July 1497 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius de Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666100 
 91* 19 Nov. 1497 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Leonard von Keutschach (1495–1519) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01178200 
 92* 1498? Missale Halberstadense (Halberstadt) Ernst of Saxony (1480–1513) Reinhard Grüninger or Peter Schoeffer Strassburg or Mainz im00663000 
 93* 24 Apr. 1498 Breviarium Scarense (Skara) Brinolf Gerlaksson (1478–1505) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01179000 
 94 19 May 1498 Breviarium Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg? ib01158450 
 95* 24 July 1498 Missale Pragense (Prague) Cathedral chapter (no bishop 1421–1561) Conrad Kachelofen Leipzig im00686000 
 96* 1499? Breviarium Aversanum (Aversa) Giovanni Paulo Vassalli (1474–1501) Francesco del Tuppo Naples ib01147300 
 97 1499 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Hugo von Landenberg (1496–1530) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01157000 
 98 15 Apr. 1499 Breviarium Vapincense (Gap) Gabriel de Sclafanatis (1484–1526) Michel Topié Lyon ib01187200 
 99 17 Aug. 1499 Breviarium Vratislaviense (Wrocław) Johannes Turzo (1482–1506) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01187380 
100 After 11 Oct. 1499 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius de Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666200 
101* 21 Oct. 1499 Breviarium Olomucense (Olomouc) Stanislas Turzo (1497–1540) Johann Grüninger Strassburg ib01173000 
102 26 Nov. 1499 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00002000 
103* c.1500? Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Unknown im00658200 
104* 9 Jan. 1500 Missale Mozarabicum (Mozarabic Rite – Toledo) Cardinal Ximenes de Cisneros (1495–1517) Peter Hagembach Toledo im00732000 
105* 10 Jan. 1500 Missale Saresberiense (Salisbury) Cardinal John Morton (1486–1500) Richard Pynson London im00721550 
106* 6 June 1500 Breviarium Coloniense (Cologne) Hermann von Hesse (1480–1508) Hermann Bumgart Cologne ib01150925 
107 31 Aug. 1500 Breviarium Posnaniense (Poznań) Jan Lubrański (1498–1525) Jacobus Wolff Basel ib01175700 
No. Date of Printing Liturgical Text (Diocese) Commissioning Bishop Printer Place of Printing ISTC Reference 
1* 12 Jan. 1478 Breviarium Argentinense (Strassburg) Rupert von Simmern (1440–78) Unknown Strassburg ib01146600 
1478 Directorium Argentinense (Strassburg) Rupert von Simmern (1440–78) Printer of Henricus Ariminensis ‘De IV virtutibus’ Strassburg id00261800 
3* After May 1478 Breviarium Basiliense (Basel) Johannes von Venningen (1458–79) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01149000 
4* 21 Nov. 1478 Breviarium Spirense (Speyer) Matthias von Ramung (1463–78) Peter Drach Speyer ib01181000 
31 Aug. 1479 Breviarum Gebennense (Geneva) Johannes Ludovicus of Savoy (1460–c.1481) Louis Cruse Geneva ib01162100 
After 20 Sept. 1479 Breviarium Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Stephan Dold, Georg Reyser, Johannes Beckenhub Würzburg ib01162400 
7* 10 Mar. 1480/1 Breviarium Aeduense (Autun) Cardinal Jean Rolin (1436–83) Ulrich Gering Paris ib01145100 
Before 21 May 1480 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01152000 
9* Before 13 June 1480 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) ‘Georgius de Spira’ (Georg Reyser?) Strassburg/ Würzburg/ Speyer? ib01176000 
10 29 June 1480 Agenda Moguntinensis (Mainz) Dieter von Isenburg (1475–82) Johann Neumeister Mainz ia00162000 
11 17 Aug. 1480 Breviarium Bisuntinense (Besançon) Charles de Neufchâtel (1463–98) Bernhard Richel Basel ib01150175 
12 12 Nov. 1480 Breviarium Strigoniense (Esztergom) King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary, with suffragan bishop Michael Turzo (1468–1500) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01183050 
13 After 8 Nov. 1481 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00663900 
14 1481/2 Obsequiale Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler Basel io00003100 
15 c.1482 Obsequiale Constantiense (Constance) Otto von Sonnenberg (1480–91) Michael Wenssler / Peter Drach Basel/Speyer io00003200 
16* 1482 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Bernhard von Rohr (1466–84) Nicolaus de Frankfordia Venice ib01178000 
17 Not before 1482 Breviarium Sedunense (Sion) Walther Supersax (1457–82) Antoine Neyret Chambéry ib01180000 
18* After 2 June 1482 Agenda Herbipolensis (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg ia00161000 
19 23 Feb. 1483 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Georg Reyser Würzburg ib01161000 
20 16 July 1483 Breviarium Misnense (Meissen) Johann von Weissenbach (1476–87) Simon Koch? Meissen ib01168000 
21 14 Dec. 1483 Breviarium Toletanum (Toledo) Cardinal Pedro Mendoza (1482–95) Johannes Herbort Venice ib01183550 
22 c.1484 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Georg Reyser Würzburg ib01161300 
23 1484 Breviarium Strigoniense (Esztergom) King Matthias Corvinus Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01183100 
24 After 19 Feb. 1484 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00664000 
25* 10 Nov. 1484 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Jan Rzeszowski (1471–88) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00658000 
26* 9 Dec. 1484 Breviarium Zagrabiense (Zagreb) Oswaldus (1466–99) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01187450 
27 24 Dec. 1484 Breviarium Tarraconense (Tarragona) Petrus de Orrea (1445–89) Nicolaus Spindeler Tarragona ib01183300 
28* After 5 Mar. 1485 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Johann Sensenschmidt, Johann Beckenhub Regensburg im00686500 
29 30 Apr. 1485 Breviarium Augustanum (Augsburg) Johannes de Werdenberg (1409–86) Erhard Ratdolt Venice ib01146900 
30* May 1485 Breviarium Cameracense (Cambrai) Henn de Bergis (1480–1502) Jean du Pré Paris ib01150500 
31 18 Mar. 1486 Breviarium Tarentasiense (Moûtiers-en-Tarentaise) Jean de Compeys (1483–92) Johannes Waltheri Moûtiers ib01183200 
32* 7 July 1486 Missale Leodiense (Liège) Johannes de Hoerne (1483–1505) Ludwig von Renchen Cologne im00667850 
33 27 Sept. 1486 Breviarium Virdunense (Verdun) Guillaume de Haraucourt (1457–1500) Jacobus Barbet Venice ib01187340 
34 7 Nov. 1486 Breviarium Carnotense (Chartres) Millo d'Illiers (1459–92) Johannes Hamman Venice ib01150650 
35* 1 Feb. 1487 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00001000 
36* After 14 Mar. 1487 Missale Spirense (Speyer) Ludwig von Helmstedt (1478–1504) Johann Sensenschmidt, Heinrich Petzensteiner Bamberg im00721900 
37 5 Apr. 1487 Breviarium Gebennense (Geneva) Francis of Savoy (1484–90) Louis Cruse, Johannes de Stalle Geneva ib01162150 
38 1 July 1487 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00001500 
39 14 July 1487 Breviarium Numburgense (Naumburg) Dietrich von Schauemberg (1481–1517) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01172700 
40 16 Aug. 1487 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Jan Rzeszowski (1471–88) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00658020 
41* 31 Aug. 1487 Missale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Johann Sensenschmidt, Heinrich Petzensteiner Freising/ Bamberg im00660000 
42 1487/88 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01176500 
43 1488 Obsequiale Eystettense (Eichstätt) Wilhelm von Reichenau (1464–96) Michael Reyser Eichstätt io00003500 
44 4 Mar. 1488 Missale Olomucense (Olomouc) Jan Vitez (1487–9) Johann Sensenschmidt Bamberg im00677000 
45* After 17 Aug. 1488 Missale Aboense (Åbo) Conrad Bitz (1460–89) Bartholomaeus Ghotan Lübeck im00644000 
46 15 Nov. 1488 Breviarium Brandenburgense (Brandenburg) Joachim von Bredow (1485–1507) Moritz Brandis Leipzig ib01150360 
47 24 Jan. 1489/90 Breviarium Viennense (Vienne) Angelus Cato (1482–95) Johannes Neumeister Lyon ib01187330 
48* 10 Mar. 1489 Breviarium Capuanum (Capua) Giordano Gaetano (1447–96) Cristannus Preller Capua ib01150600 
49 Not before 10 Mar. 1489/90 Breviarium Ebredunense (Embrun) Johannes Bayle (1458–1510) Jacobus Rubeus Embrun ib01158700 
50 20 July 1489 Breviarium Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01150400 
51 1489–90 or 1491 or c.1500 Agenda Argentinensis (Strassburg) Albrecht von Bayern (1479–1506) Michael Furter / Martin Schott Basel/Strassburg ia00160000 
52 c.1490 Breviarium Numburgense (Naumburg) Dietrich von Schauemberg (1481–1517) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01172800 
53 After 25 Jan. 1490 Breviarium Curiense (Chur) Orrlieb von Brandis (1458–91) Adam von Speyer Basel ib01158500 
54 12 May 1490 Breviarium Pataviense (Passau) Friedrich von Oettingen (1486–90), Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01175000 
55 27 Nov. 1490 Breviarium Pataviense (Passau) Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01175100 
56* c.1491 Missale Lingonense (Langres) Jean d’Amboise (1481–98) Jean du Pré Paris im00669000 
57 c.1491 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Thomas Berlower (1491–6) Michael Wenssler Basel ib01156000 
58 1491 Breviarium Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01162000 
59 After 1 Feb. 1491 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00664500 
60* After 10 Feb. 1491 Breviarium Spirense (Speyer) Ludwig von Helmstedt (1478–1504) Johann Grüninger / Peter Drach Strassburg/ Speyer ib01182000 
61 12 Feb. 1491 Obsequiale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg io00004000 
62 31 Oct. 1491 Breviarium Narbonense (Narbonne) Commissioned by vicar general, Radulphus Boisseli Jean du Pré Narbonne ib01172400 
63* 1492–3 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Heinrich Petzensteiner, Lorenz Sensenschmidt, Johann Pfeyl Bamberg im00686650 
64 3 Jan. 1492 Breviarium Toletanum (Toledo) Cardinal Pedro Mendoza (1487–95) Johannes Hamman Venice ib01183600 
65 20 Jan. 1492 Missale Ratisponense (Regensburg) Heinrich von Abensberg (1466–92) Heinrich Petzensteiner, Johann Pfeyl Bamberg im00686600 
66* 17 Mar. 1492 Missale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg im00660300 
67* Not before 1493 Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Unknown im00658100 
68* Jan. 1493 Breviarium Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01146950 
69 8 Jan. 1493 Obsequiale Frisingense (Freising) Sixtus von Tannberg (1474–95) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00003800 
70* 3 Apr. 1493 Missale Moguntinum (Mainz) Berthold von Henneberg (1484–1504) Peter Schoeffer Mainz im00674500 
71 Apr. 1493 Breviarium Lincopense (Linköping) Henricus Tidemann (1466–1500) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01164000 
72* 17 Aug. 1493 Missale Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg im00653000 
73 After 1 Oct. 1493 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00665000 
74 After 1493 Obsequiale Brixinense (Brixen) Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1482–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00003000 
75 18 Aug. 1494 Diurnale Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283000 
76 15 Sept. 1494 Diurnale Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283050 
77* 30 Sept. 1494 Diurnale Pataviense (Passau) Christoph von Schachner (1490–1509) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00287350 
78 21 Jan. 1495 Breviarium Lemovicense (Limoges) Jean Barton de Montbas (1484–1510) Jean Berton Limoges ib01162495 
79 After 8 Mar. 1495 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Rudolf von Scherenberg (1466–95) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666000 
80 31 May 1495 Obsequiale Salisburgense (Salzburg) Sigismund von Hollenegg (1494–5) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg io00005000 
81* 18 July 1495 Breviarium Strengnense (Strängnäs) Konrad Rogge (1479–1501) Johannes Fabri Stockholm ib01183000 
82* 4 Aug. 1495 Missale Ucetiense (Uzès) Nicolaus Maugras (1483–1513) Michel Topié, Johann Neumeister Lyon im00729700 
83 10 Oct. 1495 Breviarium Ratisponense (Regensburg) Rupert II, duke of Bayern-Simmern (1487–1507) Johann Pfeyl Bamberg ib01177000 
84 1 May 1496 Graduale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius von Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg ig00329730 
85 After 6 May 1496 Diurnale Constantiense (Constance) Hugo von Landenberg (1496–1530) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00283450 
 86* 30 Sept. 1496 Breviarium Upsalense (Uppsala) Jakob Ulfsson (1469–1515) Johannes and Anna Fabri Stockholm ib01187000 
 87 1497 Breviarium Eystettense (Eichstätt) Gabriel von Eyb (1496–1535) Michael Furter Basel ib01161400 
 88 15 Jan. 1497 Directorium Augustanum (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg id00264000 
 89* 20 Mar. 1497 30 May 1497 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Leonard von Keutschach (1495–1519) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01178100 
 90 After 11 July 1497 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius de Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666100 
 91* 19 Nov. 1497 Breviarium Salisburgense (Salzburg) Leonard von Keutschach (1495–1519) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01178200 
 92* 1498? Missale Halberstadense (Halberstadt) Ernst of Saxony (1480–1513) Reinhard Grüninger or Peter Schoeffer Strassburg or Mainz im00663000 
 93* 24 Apr. 1498 Breviarium Scarense (Skara) Brinolf Gerlaksson (1478–1505) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01179000 
 94 19 May 1498 Breviarium Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg? ib01158450 
 95* 24 July 1498 Missale Pragense (Prague) Cathedral chapter (no bishop 1421–1561) Conrad Kachelofen Leipzig im00686000 
 96* 1499? Breviarium Aversanum (Aversa) Giovanni Paulo Vassalli (1474–1501) Francesco del Tuppo Naples ib01147300 
 97 1499 Breviarium Constantiense (Constance) Hugo von Landenberg (1496–1530) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg ib01157000 
 98 15 Apr. 1499 Breviarium Vapincense (Gap) Gabriel de Sclafanatis (1484–1526) Michel Topié Lyon ib01187200 
 99 17 Aug. 1499 Breviarium Vratislaviense (Wrocław) Johannes Turzo (1482–1506) Georg Stuchs Nuremberg ib01187380 
100 After 11 Oct. 1499 Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg) Laurentius de Bibra (1495–1519) Georg Reyser Würzburg im00666200 
101* 21 Oct. 1499 Breviarium Olomucense (Olomouc) Stanislas Turzo (1497–1540) Johann Grüninger Strassburg ib01173000 
102 26 Nov. 1499 Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg) Friedrich von Zollern (1486–1505) Erhard Ratdolt Augsburg io00002000 
103* c.1500? Missale Cracoviense (Kraków) Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1488–1503) Georg Stuchs Unknown im00658200 
104* 9 Jan. 1500 Missale Mozarabicum (Mozarabic Rite – Toledo) Cardinal Ximenes de Cisneros (1495–1517) Peter Hagembach Toledo im00732000 
105* 10 Jan. 1500 Missale Saresberiense (Salisbury) Cardinal John Morton (1486–1500) Richard Pynson London im00721550 
106* 6 June 1500 Breviarium Coloniense (Cologne) Hermann von Hesse (1480–1508) Hermann Bumgart Cologne ib01150925 
107 31 Aug. 1500 Breviarium Posnaniense (Poznań) Jan Lubrański (1498–1525) Jacobus Wolff Basel ib01175700 

* indicates incunabula discussed in the article as part of the core sample of forty editions.

ISTC = British Library, Incunabula Short Title Catalogue, at <http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc>.

* With sincere thanks to Nicholas Davidson, Cristina Dondi, Judith Pollmann and Benjamin Thompson for commenting on earlier versions of this article; to those who asked searching questions when these ideas were first presented at the Early Modern Europe Seminar, Oxford University, in October 2007; and to Helen Kaufmann.
1 Gustaf Edvard Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, bibliografi (Stockholm, 1879).
2Breviarium Scarense (Nuremberg, 1498).
3 Gerlaksson's letter is reproduced in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 29.
4 Marius Besson, L’Église et l'imprimerie dans les anciens diocèses de Lausanne et de Genève jusqu'en 1525, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1937–8); Anna Lewicka-Kamińska, ‘Mszały krakowskie z przełomu XV i XVI wieku’ [Printed Kraków Missals from the Turn of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries], Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiellońskiej, xxiii (1973); Dominik Daschner, Die gedruckten Messbücher Süddeutschlands bis zur Übernahme des Missale Romanum Pius V (1570) (Frankfurt am Main, 1995); Helmut Engelhart, ‘Die frühesten Druckausgaben des Missale Herbipolense (1481–1503)’, Würzburger Diözesan-Geschichtsblätter, lxii (2001). Mary Kay Duggan has also speculated on the possible origins of Catholic liturgical printing in the fifteenth century: see her ‘Politics and Text: Bringing the Liturgy to Print’, Gutenberg Jahrbuch (2001). For non-episcopally commissioned liturgical editions before 1501, see discussion on pp. 19–20 below.
5 A. G. Dickens, The German Nation and Martin Luther (London, 1974), chs. 5–6. For an overview of the historiography of printing and the Reformation, see Alexandra Walsham, ‘ “Domme Preachers”? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past and Present, no. 168 (Aug. 2000).
6 For the relationship between printing and the Reformation, see Jean-François Gilmont, The Reformation and the Book, ed. and trans. Karin Maag (Aldershot, 1998); Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1979), i, 303–450, reissued in a more condensed form as Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1993); Peter Biller and Anne Hudson (eds.), Heresy and Literacy, 1000–1530 (Cambridge, 1994); Miriam Usher Chrisman, Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and Social Change in Strasbourg, 1480–1599 (New Haven, 1982); Stephan Füssel, Gutenberg and the Impact of Printing, trans. Douglas Martin (Aldershot, 2005), 159–93; Steven Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250–1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (New Haven, 1980), 202.
7 Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450–1800, ed. Geoffrey Nowell-Smith and David Wootton, trans. David Gerard (London, 1976), 244–5; Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner, 2 vols. (London and Washington, DC, 1990), i, 632–3.
8 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c.1400–c.1580 (New Haven, 1992), 77–83.
9 Cristina Dondi, ‘Hospitaller Liturgical Manuscripts and Early Printed Books’, Revue Mabillon, new ser., xiv (2003); Cristina Dondi, ‘The Liturgical Policies of the Hospitallers between the Invention of Printing and the Council of Trent: The Evidence of the Early Printed Breviaries and Missals’, in Victor Mallia-Milanes (ed.), The Military Orders, iii, History and Heritage (Aldershot, 2008); Guy-Marie Oury, ‘The Monks of the Renaissance at the Heart of the Revolution of the Printed Book’, Cistercian Studies Quart., xxxvi (2001); James G. Clark, ‘Print and Pre-Reformation Religion: The Benedictines and the Press, c.1470–c.1550’, in Julia Crick and Alexandra Walsham (eds.), The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–1700 (Cambridge, 2004).
10 Simon Ditchfield, ‘Giving Tridentine Worship Back its History’, in R. N. Swanson (ed.), Continuity and Change in Christian Worship (Studies in Church Hist., xxxv, Woodbridge, 1999); Simon Ditchfield, ‘Il papa come pastore? Pio V e la liturgia’, in Maurilio Guasco and Angelo Torre (eds.), Pio V nella società e nella politica del suo tempo (Bologna, 2005); A. D. Wright, The Early Modern Papacy: From the Council of Trent to the French Revolution, 1564–1789 (Harlow, 2000), 116, 167, 275–6.
11 See Katherine Elliot van Liere, ‘Catholic Reform of the Divine Office in the Sixteenth Century: The Breviary of Cardinal Francisco Quiñones’, in Karin Maag and John D. Witvliet (eds.), Worship in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Change and Continuity in Religious Practice (Notre Dame, Ind., 2004); Hubert Jedin, ‘Das Konzil von Trient und die Reform der liturgischen Bücher’, Ephemerides liturgicae, lix (1945), 15–16.
12 Eisenstein, Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe, 186. See also Elizabeth Eisenstein and Adrian Johns, ‘How Revolutionary Was the Print Revolution?’, Amer. Hist. Rev., cvii (2002).
13 This uncertainty is due in part to the unknown number of extinct editions of which no written or physical trace remains. In this case, additional methodological problems have made it difficult to extract the relevant data reliably from the standard international incunabula catalogues. Key bibliographies of early printed liturgy — including Hans Bohatta's Liturgische Bibliographie des XV. Jahrhunderts, mit Ausnahme der Missale und livres d'heures (Vienna, 1911), Robert Amiet's Missels et bréviaires imprimés. Supplément aux catalogues de Weale et Bohatta: propres des saints (Paris, 1990), Antonio Odriozola's Catálogo de libros litúrgicos españoles y portugueses impresos en los siglos XV y XVI (Pontevedra, 1996), and the British Library's Incunabula Short Title Catalogue (ISTC), <http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/istc> — fail to distinguish, or fail to distinguish consistently, between diocesan liturgies commissioned by bishops, and those produced independently by workshops without any ‘official’ input from church authorities (discussed further below). The Appendix was produced by cross-referencing and supplementing the basic data in the ISTC with information from the following catalogues: Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the British Museum, comp. R. W. Pollard et al., 13 vols. (London 1908–2007); Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, 11 vols. (Leipzig and Berlin, 1925–2008); A Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the Bodleian Library, comp. Alan Coates et al., 6 vols. (Oxford, 2005); Catalogue des livres imprimés au quinzième siècle des bibliothèques de Belgique, comp. M.-Louis Polain, 4 vols. (Brussels, 1932); Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae incunabula, ed. William J. Sheehan, 4 vols. (Vatican City, 1997); Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur. The figures given here supersede the preliminary data on official liturgical printing given in Natalia Nowakowska, Church, State and Dynasty in Renaissance Poland: The Career of Cardinal Fryderyk Jagiellon (1468–1503) (Aldershot, 2007), 77–9.
14 These originals are marked with an asterisk in the Appendix.
15Obsequiale Augustense (Augsburg, 1487), preface: ‘Quantum imprimendi arti que nostris temporibus omnipotentis dei benignitate effulsit ab omni mortalium genere debeatur … in primis tunc Christi sponsa catholica ecclesia divina hac arte illustrata sponso ornatior occurrit’.
16 For example, decrees printed by Berthold von Henneberg, archbishop of Mainz (1485), ISTC ib00502100 and Bishop Ernst, duke of Saxony (after 1486), ISTC ie00102310.
17 A handful of earlier non-curial rites were still in use in the fifteenth century: the Sarum rite in England, the Mozarabic rite (in Toledo) and the Ambrosian rite of Milan. For the history of Western liturgy, see Theodor Klauser, A Short History of the Western Liturgy: An Account and Some Reflections, trans. John Halliburton (Oxford, 1969); John Harper, The Forms and Orders of Western Liturgy from the Tenth to the Eighteenth Century: A Historical Introduction and Guide for Students and Musicians (Oxford, 1991); Cheslyn Jones et al. (eds.), The Study of Liturgy, revised edn (London, 1992).
18 Jonathan Black, ‘The Divine Office and Private Devotion in the Latin West’, in Thomas J. Heffernan and E. Ann Matter (eds.), The Liturgy of the Medieval Church (Kalamazoo, 2001).
19 Fernand Cabrol, The Books of the Latin Liturgy, trans. Benedictines of Stanbrook (London, 1932).
20 For biographical sketches of these prelates, see Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648: ein biographisches Lexicon, ed. Erwin Gatz (Berlin, 1996), 280–1, 608–9, 723.
21Breviarium Strigoniense (Venice, 1480); Breviarium Strigoniense (Nuremberg, 1484); Missale Cracoviense (n.p., not before 1493); Missale Cracoviense (n.p., c.1500?).
22 Lawrence G. Duggan, Bishop and Chapter: The Governance of the Bishopric of Speyer to 1552 (New Brunswick, 1978), 142–5.
23 Contract text given in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 5–6.
24Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, v, 463; Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 5–6.
25Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke, v, 510; Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the Bodleian Library, comp. Coates et al., iv, 1808.
26 An identical opening paragraph is found, for example, in the 1482 Salzburg breviary (Venice, Nicolaus de Frankfordia), the November 1484 Kraków missal (Mainz, Peter Schoeffer) and the December 1484 Zagreb breviary (Venice, Erhard Ratdolt).
27Missale Brixinense (Augsburg, 1493), preface; see also Missale Frisingense (Freising and Bamberg, 1487), preface.
28Breviarium Spirense (Strassburg and Speyer, 1491), preface; Directorium Salisburgense (Nuremberg, not before 1497), final page: this edition was commissioned by the bishop's official; Breviarium Capuanum (Capua, 1489), fo. 1v.
29Breviarium Basiliense (Basel, 1478), preface; Missale Brixinense (1493), preface; Breviarium Strengnense (Stockholm, 1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 23.
30Agenda Herbipolensis (Würzburg, after June 1482), fo. 3, ‘vetustate sumptos’; Breviarium Aversanum (Naples, 1499?), ‘vetustate consumpti’.
31Missale Spirense (Bamberg, 1487), preface; Missale Halberstadense (Strassburg or Mainz, 1498?), preface.
32Missale Aboense (Lübeck, after Aug. 1488), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 15, ‘librorum missalium paucitatem’; Missale Moguntinum (Mainz, 1493), fo. 265: ‘magna missalium librorum penuria’; Breviarium Aversanum (1499?), episcopal statement on closing pages: ‘inopia librorum’.
33 See, for example, Breviarium Capuanum (1489), fo. 1v, ‘manifestissimis erroribus …’; Missale Mozarabicum (Toledo, 1500), preface, ‘errorum caligine’; Breviarium Salisburgense (Venice, 1482), preface, ‘corrupti ac depravati’; Breviarium Basiliense (1478), preface, ‘libros … corruptos tamque incorrectos’.
34Missale Leodiense (Cologne, 1486), preface, printed in Catalogue des livres imprimés au quinzième siècle des bibliothèques de Belgique, comp. Polain, ii, 206; Missale Frisingense (1487), preface.
35Missale Herbipolense (Würzburg, 1481), preface; Missale Spirense (1487), preface.
36Missale Aboense (after Aug. 1488), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 15; Breviarium Aversanum (1499?), episcopal statement on closing pages, ‘Paulus Brassicitus poeta astrologus istoriografus atque theologus’.
37Missale Cracoviense (not before 1493), preface; Missale Spirense (1487).
38Breviarium Strengnense (1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 23: ‘reformatum et emendatum’.
39 See R. W. Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England (Oxford, 1970); William R. Bonniwell, A History of the Dominican Liturgy (New York, 1944), 236–9.
40Missale Leodiense (1486), episcopal statement, printed in Catalogue des livres imprimés au quinzième siècle des bibliothèques de Belgique, comp. Polain, ii, 206; Breviarium Upsalense (Stockholm, 1496), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 26; Breviarium Spirense (1491), preface.
41Missale Frisingense (Augsburg, 1492), preface; Breviarium Aversanum (1499?), episcopal statement on closing pages; Breviarium Capuanum (1489), fo. 2, ‘opus redegimus ad pristinam consuetudinem antiquumque atque optimum ritum Capuane diocesis’.
42 See Jedin, ‘Das Konzil von Trient und die Reform der liturgischen Bücher’.
43Missale Cracoviense (Mainz, 1484), preface, ‘optime emendarentur et emendati imprimerentur curavit’.
44Breviarium Zagrebiense (Venice, 1484), preface, ‘ad eternam memoriam imprimi facere’; Breviarium Capuanum (1489), fo. 2.
45 Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, ed. Nowell-Smith and Wootton, 248–9. This argument is also made in Eisenstein, Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe, 9; and in Roger Chartier (ed.), The Culture of Print: Power and the Uses of Print in Early Modern Europe, trans. Lydia D. Cochrane (Cambridge 1989), 1.
46 Eisenstein, Printing Press as an Agent of Change, i, 80–8.
47Breviarium Zagrebiense (1484), preface, ‘scriptorum imperitia’; Missale Spirense (1487), preface, ‘scriptoris incuria’; Missale Brixinense (1493), preface; Missale Halberstadense (1498?), preface, ‘scribentium incuria …’
48 Calculated from the ISTC.
49 Calculated from the Appendix and the ISTC. For example, the Missale Vratislaviense of 1483 (Mainz, Peter Schoeffer); the two editions of Breviarium Vratislaviense, c.1485 (Speyer, Peter Drach / Strassburg, Johann Grüninger); and the Missale Vratislaviense of c.1487 (Strassburg, Johannes Prüss).
50Breviarium Frisingense (Augsburg, 1491), preface; Directorium Salisburgense (not before 1497), final page.
51Breviarium Spirense (1491), ‘In republica christiane religionis periculosum est imprimi libros non castigatos; quorum impressores vel indocti vel doctiorum liniam non adhibentes: viciosa pro integris vendunt emptorem decipiunt bonos mores et nostram quandoque fidem contaminant atque depravant’. Ferdinand Geldner has shown that certain Bavarian bishops had their liturgical incunabula checked by hand by cathedral clergy, further demonstrating how much anxiety surrounded the new technology: see his ‘Zum ältesten Missaldruck’, Gutenberg Jahrbuch (1961).
52 Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book. For a wider critique of Eisenstein's thesis, see Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making (Chicago, 1988).
53Breviarium Augustanum (Augsburg, 1493), fo. 1; Missale Lingonense (Paris, c.1491), preface; Missale Pragense (Leipzig, 1498), preface.
54Agenda Herbipolensis (after June 1482), fo. 6; Missale Spirense (1487), preface; Missale Aboense (after Aug. 1488), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 15; Breviarium Strengnense (1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 24; Breviarium Scarense (1498), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 19.
55Missale Frisingense (1492), preface; Missale Brixinense (1493), preface; Breviarium Capuanum (1489), fo. 2.
56Missale Cracoviense (not before 1493), text of monopoly given in Nowakowska, Church, State and Dynasty in Renaissance Poland, 76.
57Agenda Herbipolensis (after June 1482), fo. 4v; Missale Leodiense (1486), colophon, printed in Catalogue des livres imprimés au quinzième siècle des bibliothèques de Belgique, comp. Polain, ii, 206; Missale Frisingense (1487), preface; Missale Spirense (1487), preface; Breviarium Strengnense (1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 23; Breviarium Upsalense (1496), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 26.
58Breviarium Strengnense (1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 24; Missale Leodiense (1486), colophon statement, printed in Catalogue des livres imprimés au quinzième siècle des bibliothèques de Belgique, comp. Polain, ii, 206.
59Agenda Herbipolensis (after June 1482), fo. 2r−v; the Augsburg decree is reproduced in Wilhelm Meyer, ‘Bücheranzeigen des 15. Jahrhunderts’, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, ii (1885); ISTC if00320870.
60 British Library, Manuscripts Catalogue, <http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/manuscripts/INDEX.asp>.
61Breviarium Ratisponense (Strassburg,Würzburg and Speyer?, before June 1480); Missale Cracoviense (not before 1493); Breviarium Scarense (1498); Missale Mozarabicum (1500). For an early printed depiction of a bishop, see Julie A. Smith, ‘An Image of a Preaching Bishop in Late Medieval England: The 1498 Woodcut Portrait of Bishop John Alcock’, Viator, xxi (1990).
62Missale Ucetiense (Lyon, 1495), fo. 200.
63Missale Halberstadense (1498?), preface.
64 Christopher Wordsworth and Henry Littlehales, The Old Service-Books of the English Church (London, 1904), 45–7; Jan Ptaśnik, Cracovia impressorum XV et XVI saeculorum (Lwów, 1922), 26.
65 Visitation checking was ordered, for example, by Fryderyk Jagiellon across the Polish province. Łęczyca synod statutes, 1503, Archive of the Archdiocese of Gniezno, MS 376, fo. 2; Missale Brixinense (1493), preface.
66Missale Frisingense (1487), preface; Agenda Herbipolensis (after June 1482), fo. 4.
67Breviarium Strengnense (1495), preface, printed in Klemming, Sveriges äldre liturgiska literatur, 24.
68 Sven Helander, ‘The Liturgical Profile of the Parish Church in Medieval Sweden’, in Heffernan and Matter (eds.), Liturgy of the Medieval Church.
69 For example, Horsham missal donated by Michelgrove family, British Library, MS Add. 59856.
70Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts (VD 16), <http://www.vd16.de/>.
71 Daschner, Die gedruckten Messbücher Süddeutschlands, pp. xxix–xxxvii.
72Inwentarz katedry wawelskiej z roku 1563 [An Inventory of Kraków Cathedral from 1563], ed. Adam Bochnak (Państwowe Zbiory Sztuki na Wawelu: Źródła do dziejów Wawelu, x, Kraków, 1979), 197, 214, 220, 227, 246.
73 Jedin, ‘Das Konzil von Trient und die Reform der liturgischen Bücher’.
74 See ibid.; Simon Ditchfield, Liturgy, Sanctity and History in Tridentine Italy: Pietro Maria Campi and the Preservation of the Particular (Cambridge, 1995), 29–30; Missale Romanum: editio princeps (1570), ed. Manlio Sodi and Achille Maria Triacca (Vatican City, 1998), pp. xviii–xx; Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Tanner, ii, 797; Irena Backus and Benoît Gain, ‘Le Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585), sa bibliothèque et ses traductions de Saint Basile’, Mélanges de l'École française de Rome, xcviii (1986).
75Breviarium Romanum (Rome, 1568), ‘ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pius V Pont. Max. iussu editum’, title page; Missale Romanum, ed. Sodi and Triacca.
76Breviarium Romanum (1568); see Francesco Barberi, Paolo Manuzio e la stamperia del Popolo Romano (1561–1570) (Rome, 1942), 73–81.
77 Cardinal Sirleto's memorandum on Quod a nobis makes no reference to earlier works, as if the bull were a perfectly fresh and new text: printed in Georg Denzler, Kardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–1585): Leben und Werk. Ein Beitrag zur nachtridentinischen Reform (Munich, 1964), 152–4.
78Concilia Salisburgensia provincialia et dioecesana, ed. Florianus Dalham (Augsburg, 1788), 242; Jedin, ‘Das Konzil von Trient und die Reform der liturgischen Bücher’; Cristina Dondi, ‘Liturgies of the Military Religious Orders’, in Uwe Michael Lang (ed.), The Genius of the Roman Rite: Historical, Theological, and Pastoral Perspectives on Catholic Liturgy (Chicago, 2010).
79 For the Index, see Gigliola Fragnito (ed.), Church Censorship and Culture in Early Modern Italy, trans. Adrian Belton (Cambridge, 2001); Index de l'Université de Paris, 1544, 1545, 1547, 1549, 1551, 1556, comp. Jesús Martínez de Bujanda, Francis M. Higman and James K. Farge (Geneva, 1985); Index de l'Université de Louvain, 1546, 1550, 1558, comp. Jésus Martínez de Bujanda (Geneva, 1986); Index de Venise, 1549; Venise et Milan, 1554, comp. Jésus Martínez de Bujanda (Geneva, 1987); Index de l'Inquisition portugaise, 1547, 1551, 1561, 1564, 1581, comp. Jésus Martínez de Bujanda (Geneva, 1994); Index de l'Inquisition espagnole, 1551, 1554, 1559, comp. Jésus Martínez de Bujanda (Geneva, 1984). For the catechism, see Berard L. Marthaler, The Catechism Yesterday and Today: The Evolution of a Genre (Collegeville, 1995); Stanislaus Hosius, Confessio fidei catholicae christianae (Kraków, 1553); Petrus Canisius, Summa doctrinae christianae (Vienna, 1555).