Abstract

We study people’s subjective models of the macroeconomy and shed light on their attentional foundations. To do so, we measure beliefs about the effects of macroeconomic shocks on unemployment and inflation, providing respondents with identical information about the parameters of the shocks and previous realizations of macroeconomic variables. Within samples of 6,500 US households and 1,500 experts, beliefs are widely dispersed, even about the directional effects of shocks, and there are large differences in average beliefs between households and experts. Part of this disagreement seems to arise because respondents think of different propagation channels of the shocks, in particular demand- vs. supply-side mechanisms. We provide evidence on the role of associative memory in driving heterogeneity in thoughts and forecasts: contextual cues and prior experiences shape which propagation channels individuals retrieve and thereby which forecasts they make. Our findings offer a new perspective on the widely documented disagreement in macroeconomic expectations.

1. Introduction

Individuals usually exhibit substantial disagreement in their expectations about macroeconomic outcomes. This holds true for consumers, firm managers, retail investors, and even professional forecasters (Mankiw, Reis and Wolfers, 2003; Dovern, Fritsche and Slacalek, 2012; Coibion and Gorodnichenko, 2015a; Link, Peichl, Roth and Wohlfart, 2021; Giglio, Maggiori, Stroebel and Utkus, 2021). Disagreement in turn has major implications for the transmission of shocks and of fiscal and monetary policy (Ball, Mankiw and Reis, 2005; Paciello and Wiederholt, 2014; Angeletos and Lian, 2018). There are two broad views on what is driving disagreement in expectations. Disagreement is most commonly attributed to differences in information about the current state of the economy (Mankiw and Reis, 2002; Reis, 2006; Coibion and Gorodnichenko, 2012). According to such explanations, conditional on the same information set, economic agents make homogeneous predictions about the reaction of the economy to shocks. Alternatively, disagreement could be due to heterogeneity in subjective models, that is, the way agents think about the functioning of the economy (Bray and Savin, 1986; Marcet and Sargent, 1989; Molavi, 2019; Angeletos, Huo and Sastry, 2020). Such heterogeneity generates disagreement in expectations even when all agents observe the same shock and have the same information about previous realizations of macroeconomic variables.

In this article, we provide the first direct empirical evidence on people’s subjective models of the macroeconomy and their origins. We propose that heterogeneity in subjective models is a consequence of selective recall of specific economic mechanisms, which differ across individuals and contexts. We use a new approach to measure people’s subjective models, which we apply to samples of about 6,500 respondents representative of the US population and about 1,500 academic and non-academic experts. Our approach relies on vignettes in which respondents predict future US unemployment and inflation under different hypothetical macroeconomic shocks. We focus on four different shocks that are among the most commonly studied in macroeconomics: an oil supply shock, a monetary policy shock, a government spending shock, and an income tax shock. The vignettes make sure that all respondents observe the shock and provide information about the source of the shock and previous realizations of unemployment and inflation. This ensures comparable information sets across respondents and enables us to characterize heterogeneity in forecasts to the extent it arises from differences in subjective models.

For each vignette, we elicit the respondents’ expectations about the unemployment rate and the inflation rate twice: first, under a hypothetical baseline scenario in which no shock occurs; second, under a hypothetical shock scenario in which the shock variable unexpectedly changes. In the oil price vignette, we tell our respondents that the oil price will be on average $30 higher over the following 12 months. In the monetary policy vignette, the federal funds rate increases by 0.5 p.p. In the government spending vignette, the government announces a major new spending program on defense, while in the income tax vignette, the government increases income taxes by 1 p.p. for every US household for 1 year. To establish the exogeneity of the shocks, we tell respondents that the change in the oil price is due to problems with the local production technology in the Middle East, that the federal funds rate is increased even though the Fed does not change its assessment of economic conditions, and that government spending or taxes are increased without any changes in the government’s assessment of national security or economic conditions. By taking the difference in the forecasts of unemployment and inflation between the shock scenario and the baseline scenario, we identify each respondent’s beliefs about the effects of the shock, while taking out differences in baseline expectations across individuals.

We document four key results. Our first main result is that there is substantial heterogeneity in forecasts about the effects of macroeconomic shocks, among experts, among households, and between the two groups. For example, in the monetary policy vignette, 72|$\%$| of experts predict an increase in unemployment in response to the rise in the federal funds rate, 12|$\%$| expect no change, and the remaining 15|$\%$| expect a decrease. Among households, 51|$\%$| predict an increase in unemployment, 16|$\%$| expect no change, and 33|$\%$| expect a decrease. Similarly, there is strong heterogeneity in beliefs about the inflation response to interest rate hikes, with both increases and decreases being predicted by substantial fractions of households (57|$\%$| vs. 30|$\%$|⁠) and experts (19|$\%$| vs. 72|$\%$|⁠). Across all vignettes, there is more disagreement among households than among experts. Average predictions of households and experts are often similar but differ substantially in three cases: experts predict inflation to decrease in response to a hike in the federal funds rate, while households forecast an increase in inflation. Similarly, households predict inflation to increase in response to the income tax hike, while experts predict it to decrease. Finally, households predict a muted unemployment response to a government spending program, while experts predict a decrease. The high levels of disagreement in a setting where individuals have comparable information about past realizations of macroeconomic variables indicate an important role for heterogeneity in subjective models in expectation formation.

What is driving heterogeneity in forecasts? One possibility is that individuals selectively retrieve specific propagation mechanisms of the shocks, while neglecting others. Selective memory has been shown to be important in shaping people’s thoughts and behaviour in various contexts (Tversky and Kahneman, 1973; Kahana, 2012; Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli, Schwerter and Shleifer, 2020a). In our setting, differences in associations across individuals and contexts could be a key driver of heterogeneity in forecasts.

In a second step, we conduct an additional tailored survey to directly measure what comes to respondents’ minds when they think about the shocks using a combination of unstructured textual responses as well as responses to more structured questions. Our second main finding is that the propagation channels that are on respondents’ minds vary systematically within and between our samples of households and experts. Across vignettes, experts tend to recall channels that are central in textbook models, while households in many cases neglect these channels and think of channels that are conventionally seen as less important. For example, households are relatively more likely than experts to think of a “cost channel” in the context of the monetary policy shock, according to which firms pass on higher costs of borrowing to consumers in the form of higher prices. By contrast, experts are more likely to think of demand-side mechanisms, such as intertemporal substitution or an investment channel.

In a third step, we ask whether the propagation channels that are on top of respondents’ minds are related to their predictions. Our third finding is that thoughts of the different propagation channels are significantly correlated with respondents’ unemployment and inflation forecasts, in expected directions. Thoughts of different propagation channels also reconcile part of the differences in forecasts between experts and households.

In a fourth step, we provide evidence on the role of associative memory in shaping heterogeneity in thoughts of propagation channels and forecasts, by testing two predictions. First, associative memory predicts that contextual cues affect individuals’ forecasts by changing the propagation channels individuals retrieve. We provide proof-of-concept evidence on this conjecture by conducting an additional experiment with a representative sample. We use a priming intervention that exogenously exposes households to contextual cues about the supply or the demand side in the context of the monetary policy shock. Being primed on the demand-side significantly increases respondents’ retrieval of negative demand-side implications of an increase in the federal funds rate and has a negative effect on respondents’ predicted inflation response to the shock. Second, we test the prediction of theories of associative memory that differences in personal experiences in the memory database are a key driver of differences in associations and forecasts. Consistent with this conjecture, households’ personal experiences are correlated with selective recall of specific propagation mechanisms, which in turn is reflected in individuals’ forecasts about the effects of macroeconomic shocks. For instance, under the government spending shock, which focuses on an increase in defense spending, previous employment by suppliers of the military is associated with a greater tendency to think of mechanisms related to increases in product demand and labour demand. This experience is also associated with a stronger predicted unemployment decrease.

Our fourth and final result is thus that associative memory plays an important role in shaping heterogeneity both in associations of propagation channels and in forecasts. The finding that drawing households’ attention to a specific aspect of the shock changes their forecasts suggests that households’ subjective models are not fixed. Instead, these models may be formed “on the fly,” depending on the associations triggered by the context, which in turn depend on the experiences in individuals’ memory databases. In this view, news or actual events in the economy systematically affect which models people entertain. Rather than sticking to one particular model, economic agents retrieve specific experiences when cued by events, which in turn shape the economic mechanisms they think of.

Our findings offer a new perspective on the strong heterogeneity in macroeconomic expectations—one of the most well-documented empirical facts in the literature (Mankiw et al., 2003; Coibion and Gorodnichenko, 2012). Our results imply that, even if agents hold comparable information about previous realizations of macroeconomic variables, associative recall of different economic mechanisms generates strong heterogeneity in expectations. In light of our results, incorporating associative recall into a macroeconomic model could thus be a fruitful avenue for future research.

The main contribution of our article is to provide the first direct evidence on heterogeneity in subjective models of the macroeconomy and their origins. Our article builds on previous work studying the relationships between beliefs about different macroeconomic variables. Carvalho and Nechio (2014), Dräger, Lamla and Pfajfar (2016), and Kuchler and Zafar (2019) use observational data to examine how households’ beliefs about unemployment, inflation, and interest rates are correlated with each other. A series of papers have used information experiments to study households’ beliefs about the autocorrelation of macroeconomic variables (Armantier, Nelson, Topa, van der Klaauw and Zafar, 2016; Cavallo, Cruces and Perez-Truglia, 2017; Armona, Fuster and Zafar, 2018; Fuster, Perez-Truglia, Wiederholt and Zafar, 2020b). Other information experiments have studied how respondents update their expectations about one macroeconomic variable in response to information about a different macroeconomic variable (Coibion, Gorodnichenko and Kumar, 2018; Coibion, Georgarakos, Gorodnichenko and van Rooij 2019; Coibion, Gorodnichenko and Ropele, 2020; Roth and Wohlfart, 2020). While the randomized provision of information in these experiments allows for causal identification, the interpretation is complicated by the fact that respondents’ beliefs about the sources of changes in inflation or GDP growth are unrestricted. In contrast to previous literature, our approach directly measures households’ beliefs about the causal effects of macroeconomic shocks on unemployment and inflation, controlling for information about previous realizations of macroeconomic variables and about the sources of the shocks.1

Our work relates to research on attention and memory in people’s belief formation and decision-making (Gennaioli and Shleifer, 2010; Lacetera, Pope and Sydnor, 2012; Bordalo, Coffman, Gennaioli and Shleifer, 2016; Gabaix, 2019; Bordalo et al., 2020a; Enke, Schwerter and Zimmermann, 2020; Graeber, 2021). Bordalo et al. (2020a) propose a model of choice in which a choice option cues recall of similar past experiences. We contribute to this literature by documenting what comes to people’s mind when they think about a set of canonical macroeconomic shocks and by providing causal evidence on the role of associations in shaping the predictions that individuals make. This relates to work by Stantcheva (2020), who provides descriptive evidence on what people think about when they evaluate economic policies, such as estate taxation or health insurance. Our combination of unstructured text responses with priming interventions allows us to characterize how associations causally affect expectation formation.

We also contribute to the literature on the role of personal experiences in macroeconomic expectation formation (Malmendier and Nagel, 2011; Malmendier and Nagel, 2016; Kuchler and Zafar, 2019; Malmendier, Nagel and Yan, 2021). While the existing literature has focused on the reduced-form effects of experiences on unconditional expectations of macroeconomic variables, we study how experiences shape forecasts of these variables conditional on the occurrence of shocks. Moreover, our article provides novel evidence on the link between personal experiences and selective recall of propagation channels, highlighting a potential attentional mechanism underlying experience effects.

Finally, the article contributes to a small literature that investigates the views and beliefs of academic economists (e.g. Gordon and Dahl, 2013; Sapienza and Zingales, 2013; DellaVigna and Pope, 2018; Andre and Falk, 2021). We document how economists assess and think about four commonly studied macroeconomic shocks.

The rest of this article is structured as follows. Section 2 provides an overview of the samples of households and experts, and the survey design. Section 3 presents our evidence on experts’ and households’ predictions in the different vignettes. Section 4 provides evidence on selective recall as a driver of heterogeneity in forecasts. Section 5 discusses the implications of our findings for understanding heterogeneity in survey data and for modelling the formation of macroeconomic expectations. Section 6 concludes.

2. Data and Design

2.1. Samples

Household survey. For our main online survey, we collect a sample of about 2,200 respondents that is representative of the US population in terms of gender, age, region, total household income, and education. We collect the data in two waves. The first wave was launched in February and March 2019 in collaboration with the market research company Dynata, and the second wave was conducted in July 2019 with the survey company Lucid. Both online panel providers are commonly used in economics and social science research (Haaland, Roth and Wohlfart, 2021). The pooled sample from Waves 1 and 2 closely matches the characteristics of the general population. For instance, 55|$\%$| of our respondents are female, compared to 51|$\%$| in the 2019 American Community Survey (ACS, see Supplementary Appendix Table A.1). A 32|$\%$| of the respondents in our sample have at least a bachelor’s degree, compared to 31|$\%$| in the ACS. The median income in our sample is $62,500 compared to $65,712 in the ACS.

Expert survey. In parallel to both household survey waves, we recruit two samples of approximately 1,100 experts in total. For the first wave, we invited economists who were authors or discussants at leading macroeconomic conferences.2 In total, 180 experts completed the first wave of the survey. 83|$\%$| of these experts are from academic institutions, while 16|$\%$| work at policy institutions, such as the IMF and central banks (for more details, see Supplementary Appendix Table A.2). For the second wave, we included our module in the World Economic Survey—a global survey of economic experts, run by the ifo Institute (Boumans and Garnitz, 2017, ifo Institute, 2019). 908 experts participated in our module. 56|$\%$| of these experts are from academia, 16|$\%$| from policy institutions, 16|$\%$| work at a bank or a private company, while the remaining 12|$\%$| have another type of employer. 65|$\%$| of the experts have a Ph.D., and they predominantly come from North America or Western Europe (50|$\%$|⁠) (for more details, see Supplementary Appendix Table A.2). Supplementary Appendix Table A.3 provides an overview of the different data sets used in the article.

2.2. Structure of the survey

Respondents to the household survey start by completing a series of demographic questions. Then, they receive brief non-technical definitions of the unemployment rate and the inflation rate to establish a common-ground definition of the two terms at the start of the survey and are informed about the current values of these rates. In the subsequent main part of the survey, participants make predictions about unemployment and inflation under two hypothetical vignettes.3 Finally, we collect data on some additional respondent characteristics. The expert survey consists of a subset of the household survey. After being introduced to the question format, experts directly proceed to the prediction task in two randomly selected vignettes. We do not include the definitions of inflation and unemployment, but still provide the experts with the most recent values of both variables.4

2.3. Hypothetical vignettes

To measure our respondents’ beliefs about the effects of different macroeconomic shocks, we use hypothetical vignettes in which we introduce our respondents to different scenarios and ask them to predict future unemployment and inflation. This approach allows us to provide individuals with identical information about the source and the parameters of the shock. The vignettes focus on four different exogenous shocks, which are among the most commonly studied in macroeconomics: an oil supply shock, a government spending shock, a monetary policy shock, and a tax shock. This enables us to compare respondents’ predictions with estimates from a rich macroeconomic literature. At the same time, these shocks have the advantage that they can be explained to individuals without an economics degree. Our participants are randomly assigned to make predictions for two out of four hypothetical vignettes, which are presented in random order.5

Each vignette follows the same structure (summarized in Supplementary Appendix Figure A.1). All start with a short introduction that familiarizes respondents with the setting of the vignette. For example, in the income tax vignette, they are informed about the average US income tax rate and the amount that the median household currently pays in taxes on labour income. Then, respondents are presented with a baseline scenario in which they are asked to imagine that the variable of interest (e.g. income tax rates) does not change. We elicit people’s expectations about the unemployment rate in 12 months and the inflation rate over the next 12 months under this scenario. Thereafter, respondents are asked to predict unemployment and inflation in a shock scenario in which an exogenous shock to the economy is introduced. Specifically, we randomize respondents into a rise scenario with an increase in the shock variable (e.g. all income tax rates rise by 0.5 p.p.) and a fall scenario with a decrease in the shock variable (e.g. all income tax rates fall by 0.5 p.p.). To simplify the exposition, we reverse all predictions for the fall scenarios and analyse them together with predictions for the rise scenario.6 Our main outcome variable is respondents’ beliefs about the effect of a shock, i.e., the difference in predictions between the shock and the baseline scenario. Eliciting beliefs under both a baseline and a shock scenario has two important methodological advantages: first, it decomposes and simplifies the prediction problem for households; second, divergent beliefs about baseline trends of the US economy that are present in both scenarios cancel out.

Respondents indicate the expected unemployment and inflation rates on two sliders that range from 0|$\%$| to 10|$\%$| for unemployment and from |$-$|2|$\%$| to 8|$\%$| for inflation. The default position of each slider is the value of the respective rate at the time of each survey. The sliders ease the task for our respondents and reduce noise and cognitive strain.7 In what follows, we provide details on each of the four vignettes.

Oil supply shock. In the introduction to the oil vignette, respondents learn about the current average price of one barrel of crude oil. Then, in the baseline scenario, our respondents are told to imagine that the average price of crude oil stays constant over the next 12 months. Thereafter, they are randomly assigned to either an “oil price rise scenario” or an “oil price fall scenario.” Specifically, respondents in the “oil price rise scenario” receive the following instructions:

Imagine the average price of crude oil unexpectedly rises due to problems with the local production technology in the Middle East. On average, the price will be $30 higher for the next 12 months than the current price. That is, the price will be on average $84 for the next 12 months.8

As is the case for all other vignettes, instructions for the fall scenario are analogous to the rise scenario.

Government spending shock. This vignette first provides respondents with information on the size of yearly government spending in the US and its usual growth rate. In the baseline scenario, our respondents are told to imagine that federal government spending grows as usual over the next 12 months. In the rise scenario, our respondents receive the following instructions:

Imagine federal government spending unexpectedly grows to a larger extent than usual over the next 12 months due to a newly announced spending program on defense. In particular, total government spending grows by 2.4 p.p. more than the usual growth that took place in the previous years.

The government announces: The change is temporary and occurs despite no changes in the government’s assessment of national security or economic conditions. Moreover, federal taxes do not change in response to the spending program.

Monetary policy shock. We familiarize respondents with the federal funds target rate and its current value. The baseline scenario asks our respondents to imagine that the Federal Open Market Committee announces that it will keep the federal funds target rate constant. In the subsequent rise scenario, our respondents receive the following instructions:

Imagine the federal funds target rate is unexpectedly 0.5 percentage points higher. That is, in its next meeting, the Federal Open Market Committee announces that it is raising the rate from 2.5|$\%$| to 3|$\%$|⁠.

Imagine the committee announces it does so with no changes in their assessment of the economic conditions.

Tax shock. After a brief explanation of federal income taxes in the US, the baseline scenario tells our respondents to imagine that income tax rates stay constant for all US citizens over the next 12 months. The subsequent rise scenario is described as follows:

Imagine that income tax rates are unexpectedly 1 percentage point higher for all households in the US over the next 12 months. This means that the typical US household would pay about $400 more in taxes.

The government announces: The tax change is temporary and occurs despite no changes in the government’s assessment of the economic conditions. Moreover, government spending does not change in response to the tax increase.

2.4. Discussion of the design

Our design allows us to interpret belief disagreement as arising from heterogeneity in respondents’ subjective models of the economy. We measure a respondent’s belief about the effects of a shock as the difference in the respondent’s forecasts between the rise/fall and the baseline scenario. By focusing on the difference in forecasts across scenarios, we already control for differences in the baseline level of expected inflation or unemployment across respondents. This aspect of our design shuts down information frictions—the key alternative explanation for belief disagreement—to a large extent. Of course, holding different information about the state of the economy could still affect forecasts of the effect of a shock, even under the same subjective model. However, our design choice to provide individuals with identical information about past unemployment, inflation, and the realization, and parameters of the shock strongly mitigates this remaining concern. As a result, heterogeneity in forecasts across respondents should be due to heterogeneity in the way individuals think about the functioning of the economy—the subjective models they rely on.9

Since we work with a general population sample, we face a trade-off between the precision of the vignettes and the ease of understanding them. To avoid cognitive overload among respondents from the general population sample, we make the vignettes as simple to understand as possible. At the same time, we are careful to make clear that the shocks are exogenous to the US economy, which makes our estimates comparable to theoretical models and empirical evidence. For instance, we attribute the oil supply shock to changes in the local production technology in the Middle East. Similarly, in the interest rate scenario, we explicitly state that the change in interest rates occurs with no changes in the Fed’s assessment of economic conditions. In Supplementary Appendix Section H.3, we show that only a minor fraction of respondents misperceive the shocks as endogenous.

Moreover, we also fix people’s beliefs about the duration of the shocks by clarifying that the changes in taxation and government spending only last for 1 year.10 For the government spending and taxation shocks, we clarify that the temporary nature of the shock is common knowledge by using the wording “the government announces.”

Furthermore, many of our design choices are motivated by common modelling assumptions in DSGE models and by empirical evidence from VARs in order to ensure comparability of our survey responses to these external benchmarks. For example, empirical evidence on government spending shocks often focuses on defense spending (e.g. Nakamura and Steinsson, 2014; Basso and Rachedi, 2019; Auerbach, Gorodnichenko and Murphy, 2020) as this type of spending does not affect the economy’s productivity and does not directly redistribute resources across the income distribution.

2.5. Theoretical and empirical benchmarks

We draw from seminal studies in the theoretical and empirical literature to obtain benchmark estimates for the inflation and unemployment responses to each shock.11 These values broadly illustrate the view on the effects of shocks established in the literature and put respondents’ estimates into context. For example, for the oil price shock, our empirical benchmark is derived from the VAR estimate of Blanchard and Galí (2010) in Supplementary Appendix for the Great Moderation period, while the theoretical benchmark is based on Bodenstein et al. (2011) and Balke and Brown (2018) in Supplementary Appendix C. The former paper models the US as a purely oil-importing country and the latter treats the US as both oil-producing and oil-importing. Naturally, given the always ongoing debates in the respective areas, these benchmarks neither represent “correct” values nor do they fully capture the degree of estimates across the entire literature on each topic. Supplementary Appendix C provides details on the derivations of the benchmarks and lists the main studies that we consulted.

2.6. Differences between Waves 1 and 2

We introduce a couple of minor wording changes to the instructions of Wave 2 to confirm that the results are robust to these modifications. First, our main object of interest are individuals’ beliefs about the effects of the shocks accounting for potential endogenous responses by policymakers. We, therefore, explicitly tell respondents in Wave 2 of both the household and the expert survey to account for potential responses of the government and the central bank when making the predictions. Second, to ensure that the respondents do not just interpret our questions as a test of their knowledge of economics, we tell them that we are interested in their own subjective views on what would actually happen under the different scenarios. Despite these differences in instructions across Waves 1 and 2, there are barely any differences in responses, neither in the household nor in the expert survey. We therefore focus on the pooled sample in our main analysis.

3. Predicted Unemployment and Inflation Responses to Shocks

In this section, we present our results on experts’ and households’ forecasts of the effects of macroeconomic shocks. For each shock, we discuss the heterogeneity in predictions within the expert sample, within the household sample, and between both groups. Figure 1 presents the fractions of experts and households who predict a fall, no change, or rise of inflation and unemployment for each shock, respectively. We focus mostly on the qualitative directions of forecasts as those are less susceptible to extreme predictions.12Figure 2A then presents the average quantitative predictions as well as the benchmark estimates from the empirical and theoretical literature. Figure 2B displays the full distribution of the quantitative predictions in separate violin plots.

Forecasts of the directional effects of macroeconomic shocks
Figure 1

Forecasts of the directional effects of macroeconomic shocks

Notes: This figure presents the forecasts of the directional effects of macroeconomic shocks on the inflation rate and the unemployment rate, using Wave 1 and Wave 2 data. It compares the forecasts of the general population (left column) to those of experts (right column). Predictions in the fall scenarios are reversed to render them comparable to rise predictions.

Forecasts of the quantitative effects of macroeconomic shocks
Figure 2

Forecasts of the quantitative effects of macroeconomic shocks

Notes: Panel A displays the average forecasts of the effects of macroeconomic shocks on the inflation rate (⁠|$\Delta \pi$|⁠) and the unemployment rate (⁠|$\Delta u$|⁠), using Wave 1 and Wave 2 data. It compares responses in the representative sample (red bars) with those of experts (blue bars). Error bars present 95|$\%$| confidence intervals, using robust standard errors. The green and yellow rectangles depict the range of benchmark estimates that we compile from the empirical and theoretical macroeconomic literature. Panel B plots the distribution of responses (with trimmed 5|$\%$| tails), using kernel density estimators. Both panels pool forecasts for the “rise” and “fall” scenarios. Predictions in the fall scenarios are reversed to make them comparable to rise predictions.

3.1. Oil price shock

Experts mostly agree on the directional response of inflation to an exogenous increase in the oil price, with 84|$\%$| of experts predicting an increase, 6|$\%$| expecting no change, and 10|$\%$| predicting a decrease. There is more disagreement about the unemployment response, with 65|$\%$| predicting an increase, 16|$\%$| forecasting no change, and 19|$\%$| predicting a decrease. Disagreement among households is higher than among experts. Only 71|$\%$| of households predict an increase in inflation, and only 62|$\%$| expect an increase in unemployment.

Thus, our data suggest that both experts and households primarily hold the conventional view that an oil shock increases both inflation and unemployment, although this view is more pronounced among experts. In terms of quantitative predictions, both households and experts on average predict positive responses of inflation and unemployment to the oil price shock. The quantitative magnitudes of the average predicted responses are higher among households, but below the benchmarks from the empirical and theoretical literature.13

3.2. Government spending shock

For the government spending shock, Figure 1 displays similar levels of disagreement as in the oil vignette among experts, and much higher levels of disagreement among households. The majority of experts predict an increase in inflation (80|$\%$|⁠) and a decrease in unemployment (80|$\%$|⁠) in response to a government spending program. Among households, only 55|$\%$| predict an increase in inflation, while 29|$\%$| predict a decrease. For the unemployment rate, disagreement among households is even larger: only 43|$\%$| expect a decrease in unemployment in response to an increase in government spending, while 39|$\%$| forecast higher unemployment.

The high level of disagreement about the unemployment response among households is reflected in a muted average predicted response close to zero (⁠|$-$|0.03 p.p., see Figure 2), while experts on average predict a decrease in unemployment by 0.31 p.p. For inflation, households predict an average response of 0.20 p.p., while experts predict a response of 0.26 p.p. The average expert predictions are close to the benchmarks from the empirical and theoretical literature.

3.3. Interest rate shock

We uncover substantial disagreement about the effect of an unexpected hike in the federal funds target rate—both within and between the samples of experts and households. 67|$\%$| of experts predict a decrease in inflation in response to an unexpected interest rate hike and 22|$\%$| predict an increase. 15|$\%$| of experts think that the unemployment rate would decrease, whereas 72|$\%$| predict an increase. Households’ beliefs are more dispersed than those of experts. A majority of respondents believe that the inflation rate will increase in response to the interest rate hike (57|$\%$|⁠), while only 30|$\%$| expect a decrease. 51|$\%$| of households predict an increase in unemployment and 33|$\%$| a decrease.

The differences in qualitative inflation predictions between households and experts are also reflected in their quantitative forecasts: while households on average predict an increase in inflation by 0.17 p.p., experts predict a decrease in inflation by 0.15 p.p.14 Average predictions about unemployment have the same direction in the two samples but are more muted among households than among experts. Experts’ average predictions are close to the empirical benchmarks for both unemployment and inflation.15

3.4. Tax shock

For the tax shock, we find very similar patterns as for the monetary policy shock. While the view that tax hikes are inflationary is prevalent among households (51|$\%$|⁠), experts overwhelmingly predict a negative response of inflation (68|$\%$|⁠). The majority of both households (55|$\%$|⁠) and experts (69|$\%$|⁠) expect an increase in unemployment. Again, experts are on average close to the empirical and theoretical benchmarks.

3.5. Summary

Taken together, our first main result can be summarized as follows:

 
Result 1

There is substantial heterogeneity in forecasts of the effects of macroeconomic shocks, among experts and among households. Average predictions of households and experts are similar in many cases but differ substantially for the inflation response to monetary policy and income tax shocks as well as for the unemployment response to government spending shocks. Disagreement in forecasts in a setting where respondents have comparable information about past realizations of macroeconomic variables indicates an important role for heterogeneity in subjective models in expectation formation.

4. The Role of Selective Recall

What drives the heterogeneity in unemployment and inflation forecasts within and between the household and expert samples? One possibility is that individuals selectively retrieve different propagation mechanisms of the shocks. Selective recall has been shown to be important in shaping people’s thoughts and behaviour in various contexts (Tversky and Kahneman, 1973; Kahana, 2012; Bordalo et al., 2020a). In our setting, experts may tend to think of textbook models, which account for the full general equilibrium effects of a shock. Households may selectively retrieve specific partial equilibrium effects and propagation channels, for instance driven by their personal experiences. Associations of propagation channels may be strongly context-dependent, as the same individual may recall different memories when confronted with different economic shocks. Moreover, the propagation channels that immediately come to households’ minds may not necessarily coincide with the mechanisms that are most central to the transmission of a shock.

To shed light on the role of associations, we conduct additional surveys in which we directly measure respondents’ thoughts while they make their predictions. We also implement an experiment that allows us to examine how contextual cues causally shape thoughts of propagation channels and forecasts. Finally, we shed light on the role of personal experiences as a source of households’ associations.

4.1. Samples

Household sample (Wave 3). We recruit a sample of 2,126 respondents in February 2021 in collaboration with the survey company Lucid. Our sample is again broadly representative of the US population in terms of a set of basic demographic variables (see Supplementary Appendix Table A.1).

Expert sample (Wave 3). We identify the email addresses of all economists who published in the top 20 economics journals on JEL code “E: Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics” in the years 2015–19. We also invite experts from our Wave 1 expert survey and Ph.D. students from 22 leading research institutions (see Supplementary Appendix J.2 for more details). The expert survey was run in March 2021, shortly after the household survey. In total, 375 experts completed our survey, of which 40|$\%$| are Ph.D. students (see Supplementary Appendix Table A.2).

4.2. Design

Our design closely follows the main experiment, with some important modifications tailored to measure the thoughts that underlie respondents’ predictions. The baseline vignettes are identical to the main survey. However, instead of predicting the level of each rate twice, once in the baseline and once in the shock scenario, respondents directly predict differences in each rate between the shock and baseline scenario. This approach allows us to elicit what comes to respondents’ minds when they think about the effect of a shock. To reduce the cognitive strain of respondents, they indicate their predictions on discrete scales, proceeding in steps of 0.25 p.p. from “1 (or more) p.p. lower” to “1 (or more) p.p. higher.” We only collect data on rise scenarios and each respondent completes only one vignette to keep the collection parsimonious.16

Our main object of interest is measuring what people think about while making the prediction. We collect two complementary measures of respondents’ associations. First, we ask respondents to tell us about their “main considerations in making the prediction” and about how they “come up with [their] prediction” in an open-text box. This open-response question is placed on the same page as the shock scenario, just below the inflation and unemployment predictions. Second, on the subsequent survey page, we present respondents with a structured list of seven to eight shock-specific propagation channels and ask them to indicate which of these channels—if any—they were thinking about when they made their predictions. For each vignette, we select propagation channels that play a key role in canonical models and channels that were frequently mentioned in open-text responses from pilot studies.17 Because many propagation channels are only meaningful for a specific shock and to avoid mental overload among respondents, the structured questions focus on a different subset of propagation channels in each vignette. For instance, in the oil price vignette, these channels include a reduction in firms’ labour demand due to higher production costs and a reduction in households’ spending due to lower purchasing power, among others. In the case of the monetary policy vignette, the survey question includes a cost channel, an intertemporal substitution channel, a channel capturing changes in household spending due to changes in income, as well as several other channels. In several parts of our analysis, we focus on groups of those channels, such as negative supply-side mechanisms (e.g. higher production costs for firms) or negative demand-side mechanisms (e.g. reduced household spending due to lower purchasing power). Supplementary Appendix E provides an overview of the full instructions used in the structured questions on propagation channels.

For ease of exposition, we focus mostly on the structured questions in our main analysis. These structured questions also offer several advantages compared to the open-text questions. First, the responses to the structured questions are straightforward to compare across respondents, while there is likely large variation in the way individuals respond to the open-text questions. Second, the structured questions allow us to measure thoughts of full, clearly defined propagation channels, while this is more difficult with the open-text responses, which are often not sufficiently nuanced. Third, the structured questions require less effort by the respondents, which may result in lower measurement error. Finally, responses to the structured questions do not need to be categorized and interpreted before the analysis, which avoids judgment calls on the part of researchers.

One potential concern is that responses to the structured questions may be prone to ex post rationalization of forecasts. To address this concern, we also make use of the open-text responses as an additional data source. These responses offer a unique lens into respondents’ associations without priming them on any particular propagation channel that could be at play, and should therefore be more immune to ex post rationalization. We use the open-text responses (1) to validate responses to the structured questions, (2) to demonstrate the robustness of our findings, and (3) to capture additional features of thinking not covered by the structured questions (e.g. general equilibrium thinking, mentioning models, and perceived endogeneity of the shock).

COVID-19 pandemic. At the time of the data collection, the coronavirus pandemic was still affecting the US economy. To avoid respondents’ thoughts being captured by the COVID-19 pandemic, we ask them to assume that “it is the 1st of January 2025. The COVID-19 pandemic is over. The US economy has fully recovered and is back to `business as usual’.” In particular, we ask our respondents to assume that the inflation rate is at 1.8|$\%$| and that the unemployment rate is at 3.6|$\%$| on the 1st of January 2025, similar to our main data collection from February and July 2019.

4.3. Results: propagation mechanisms that come to mind

Figure 3 summarizes respondents’ thoughts of propagation channels based on the structured questions. We first describe variation of thoughts within the household and within the expert sample, and then discuss differences between the two groups.

Thoughts of propagation channels
Figure 3

Thoughts of propagation channels

Notes: This figure shows which propagation channels are on respondents’ minds when they make their predictions, using Wave 3 data. Respondents can select the channels from a list. The results are displayed separately for each vignette and for households (left panel) and experts (right panel). Error bars display 95|$\%$| confidence intervals. |$P$| abbreviates “firm prices,” |$L_D$| “labour demand,” |$D$| “product demand,” |$\Pi$| “firm profits,” |$T$| “taxes,” |$i$| “interest rates,” |$w$| “wages,” and |$L_S$| “labour supply.” The full wording of the channels is available in Supplementary Appendix E.

Heterogeneity within the household sample. For each of the vignettes, there is a lot of heterogeneity in the thoughts that come to households’ minds. Very few of the propagation channels are selected by more than half of the respondents.

How do households’ thoughts vary across the different shocks? Supply-side mechanisms related to price increases or layoffs due to higher costs are most frequently mentioned under the oil vignette (about 50|$\%$| for each). For the interest rate and the income tax shock, which are conventionally seen as demand-side shocks, smaller but still sizable fractions (between 30|$\%$| and 40|$\%$|⁠) think of the different negative supply-side channels.

Moreover, many households indicate reductions in product demand due to lower purchasing power or job loss in the oil vignette (about 40|$\%$| for each channel). By contrast, only 25|$\%$| of households indicate increases in demand due to higher incomes in the government spending vignette, and only 31|$\%$| and 27|$\%$| indicate lower spending due to lower incomes or due to intertemporal substitution in the interest rate vignette, even though these shocks are commonly considered to be classical demand-side shocks.

These patterns are in line with households selectively retrieving specific mechanisms, where the types of mechanisms that are recalled depend on the context. Our evidence also suggests that in many cases households neglect mechanisms that may plausibly play a major role in reality and that may be useful in forecasting responses of unemployment and inflation.

Heterogeneity within the expert sample. We also observe substantial heterogeneity in the propagation channels experts think of within each of the vignettes. However, the within-vignette variation is smaller than among households, and experts’ thoughts tend to be more concentrated in specific channels. This suggests that there is more agreement among experts about which propagation channels are important under each shock.

The variation in experts’ thoughts across vignettes largely reflects differences in how the shocks are typically viewed in textbooks. For instance, thoughts of negative supply-side channels associated with increases in production costs are most frequently stated in the oil price vignette (79|$\%$| and 57|$\%$| for price increases and reductions in labour demand due to higher costs, respectively). Experts think much less frequently of supply-side channels under the three demand-side shocks (ranging from 5|$\%$| to 26|$\%$| for different channels across the three vignettes).

Sizable fractions of experts indicate thoughts of demand reductions under the oil vignette due to lower purchasing power (41|$\%$|⁠) or job loss (33|$\%$|⁠), consistent with second-round effects in standard models. Under the three shocks conventionally seen as demand-side ones, even higher fractions select demand-side channels that are prominent in textbook models. For instance, 68|$\%$| of experts think of a reduction in firms’ investment expenditure in response to an interest rate hike, while 50|$\%$| think of a reduction in household spending due to intertemporal substitution. 53|$\%$| and 69|$\%$| of experts indicate changes in household spending due to changes in incomes under the government spending vignette and the tax vignette, respectively.

Overall, the variation in experts’ thoughts across vignettes suggests that many experts retrieve textbook models when they are confronted with the different macroeconomic shocks.18

Similarities and differences between households and experts. We next compare households’ and experts’ associations under each of the shocks.

Households and experts think about similar propagation mechanisms in the context of the oil price vignette. In the other three vignettes, however, there are marked differences between households and experts in the propagation mechanisms respondents think about. Most importantly, compared to experts, households tend to attach lower relative importance to demand-side channels and higher relative importance to supply-side mechanisms in the interest rate and income tax vignettes. For instance, in the interest rate vignette, households choose the two supply-side mechanisms—higher costs leading firms to increase prices and to reduce labour demand—more often than any of the channels related to negative demand-side effects. The patterns are reversed among experts. Thus, many households seem to attribute an important role to a cost-channel in the transmission of monetary policy, where firms pass on higher borrowing costs to consumers in the form of higher prices (Barth and Ramey, 2002). Experts’ views are much more closely aligned with the common textbook view that interest rate shocks primarily operate through reductions in product demand. To illustrate households’ thoughts in the interest rate vignette, Table 1 provides example responses for households mentioning a cost channel or a demand channel in the open-text response. Similarly, under the income tax vignette, 35|$\%$| of households indicate propagation channels according to which firms need to raise wages to compensate employees for the higher tax rate and pass the higher cost on to consumers in the structured question, while only 5|$\%$| of experts think of such a channel.

Table 1.

Associations in the federal funds rate vignette: examples of households’ open-text responses

Thoughts about a cost channelThoughts about demand-side channels

“If the cost to borrow funds goes up, then a business will have to pay more to pay back a loan. Thus, businesses will have to raise prices. This will result in inflation. A business may not be able to pay employees and have to let them go or a business will not be able to pay back the load and the business will fail. The employees will lose their jobs and raises unemployment”

“I believe if the fed rate increases, the inflation rate will as well because companies will be paying more on their credit and they will pass that on to consumers. Do not think it will affect unemployment.”

“If the Fed rate is increased, the following usually happens—the cost of borrowing money for businesses increases—the business has to raise prices—there is usually a corresponding effect on the unemployment rate as employers find they have to cut staff to remain competitive ”

“The higher federal funds rate causes the cost of borrowing to rise. As a result, prices are raised. And employment is lowered to cover cost of borrowing.”

“When the interest rate rises that would mean that it would cost more for companies to borrow money and so they would charge more for their products (inflation would go up) and they would not have money to expand and hire more people (unemployment would go up). I really don’t know if the exact amounts of the inflation and unemployment rises would be the same as the |$\%$| that the inflation rate rose but I thought maybe it would.”

“The cost of business goes up so business will try to raise prices to make a profit. Business will try to cut costs by employing fewer workers.”

“with change in fed funds rate upward, unemployment is likely to rise (as cost to business to borrow increases and invest less in expansion) and inflation should in theory be kept in check and even fall.”

“Interest rates rising will increase the cost of investment. This will make companies lay people off. However, with higher interest rates, less money will be invested and it will cause inflation to fall.”

“when the interest rate goes up I believe the unemployment rate goes up as well. Inflation will also hurt the job market. If people are not buying the jobs decrease.”

“the demand will decrease and the investment will be less than usual also saving will be increased”

“With the target rate going up, money will become more expensive to borrow, consumer credit rates will rise. This will cause consumer demand to drop and possibly put people out of work”

“when interest rates increase there is less spending no new jobs”

“Interest rate hike will cause less overall spending slightly more unemployment and greater inflation as prices adjust to this rate hike.”

Thoughts about a cost channelThoughts about demand-side channels

“If the cost to borrow funds goes up, then a business will have to pay more to pay back a loan. Thus, businesses will have to raise prices. This will result in inflation. A business may not be able to pay employees and have to let them go or a business will not be able to pay back the load and the business will fail. The employees will lose their jobs and raises unemployment”

“I believe if the fed rate increases, the inflation rate will as well because companies will be paying more on their credit and they will pass that on to consumers. Do not think it will affect unemployment.”

“If the Fed rate is increased, the following usually happens—the cost of borrowing money for businesses increases—the business has to raise prices—there is usually a corresponding effect on the unemployment rate as employers find they have to cut staff to remain competitive ”

“The higher federal funds rate causes the cost of borrowing to rise. As a result, prices are raised. And employment is lowered to cover cost of borrowing.”

“When the interest rate rises that would mean that it would cost more for companies to borrow money and so they would charge more for their products (inflation would go up) and they would not have money to expand and hire more people (unemployment would go up). I really don’t know if the exact amounts of the inflation and unemployment rises would be the same as the |$\%$| that the inflation rate rose but I thought maybe it would.”

“The cost of business goes up so business will try to raise prices to make a profit. Business will try to cut costs by employing fewer workers.”

“with change in fed funds rate upward, unemployment is likely to rise (as cost to business to borrow increases and invest less in expansion) and inflation should in theory be kept in check and even fall.”

“Interest rates rising will increase the cost of investment. This will make companies lay people off. However, with higher interest rates, less money will be invested and it will cause inflation to fall.”

“when the interest rate goes up I believe the unemployment rate goes up as well. Inflation will also hurt the job market. If people are not buying the jobs decrease.”

“the demand will decrease and the investment will be less than usual also saving will be increased”

“With the target rate going up, money will become more expensive to borrow, consumer credit rates will rise. This will cause consumer demand to drop and possibly put people out of work”

“when interest rates increase there is less spending no new jobs”

“Interest rate hike will cause less overall spending slightly more unemployment and greater inflation as prices adjust to this rate hike.”

Notes: This table displays examples for households’ responses to the open-text question, focusing on the monetary policy vignette. The left-hand side focuses on responses explicitly referring to a cost channel and neglecting demand-side mechanisms. The right-hand side focuses on responses pointing to demand-side channels.

Table 1.

Associations in the federal funds rate vignette: examples of households’ open-text responses

Thoughts about a cost channelThoughts about demand-side channels

“If the cost to borrow funds goes up, then a business will have to pay more to pay back a loan. Thus, businesses will have to raise prices. This will result in inflation. A business may not be able to pay employees and have to let them go or a business will not be able to pay back the load and the business will fail. The employees will lose their jobs and raises unemployment”

“I believe if the fed rate increases, the inflation rate will as well because companies will be paying more on their credit and they will pass that on to consumers. Do not think it will affect unemployment.”

“If the Fed rate is increased, the following usually happens—the cost of borrowing money for businesses increases—the business has to raise prices—there is usually a corresponding effect on the unemployment rate as employers find they have to cut staff to remain competitive ”

“The higher federal funds rate causes the cost of borrowing to rise. As a result, prices are raised. And employment is lowered to cover cost of borrowing.”

“When the interest rate rises that would mean that it would cost more for companies to borrow money and so they would charge more for their products (inflation would go up) and they would not have money to expand and hire more people (unemployment would go up). I really don’t know if the exact amounts of the inflation and unemployment rises would be the same as the |$\%$| that the inflation rate rose but I thought maybe it would.”

“The cost of business goes up so business will try to raise prices to make a profit. Business will try to cut costs by employing fewer workers.”

“with change in fed funds rate upward, unemployment is likely to rise (as cost to business to borrow increases and invest less in expansion) and inflation should in theory be kept in check and even fall.”

“Interest rates rising will increase the cost of investment. This will make companies lay people off. However, with higher interest rates, less money will be invested and it will cause inflation to fall.”

“when the interest rate goes up I believe the unemployment rate goes up as well. Inflation will also hurt the job market. If people are not buying the jobs decrease.”

“the demand will decrease and the investment will be less than usual also saving will be increased”

“With the target rate going up, money will become more expensive to borrow, consumer credit rates will rise. This will cause consumer demand to drop and possibly put people out of work”

“when interest rates increase there is less spending no new jobs”

“Interest rate hike will cause less overall spending slightly more unemployment and greater inflation as prices adjust to this rate hike.”

Thoughts about a cost channelThoughts about demand-side channels

“If the cost to borrow funds goes up, then a business will have to pay more to pay back a loan. Thus, businesses will have to raise prices. This will result in inflation. A business may not be able to pay employees and have to let them go or a business will not be able to pay back the load and the business will fail. The employees will lose their jobs and raises unemployment”

“I believe if the fed rate increases, the inflation rate will as well because companies will be paying more on their credit and they will pass that on to consumers. Do not think it will affect unemployment.”

“If the Fed rate is increased, the following usually happens—the cost of borrowing money for businesses increases—the business has to raise prices—there is usually a corresponding effect on the unemployment rate as employers find they have to cut staff to remain competitive ”

“The higher federal funds rate causes the cost of borrowing to rise. As a result, prices are raised. And employment is lowered to cover cost of borrowing.”

“When the interest rate rises that would mean that it would cost more for companies to borrow money and so they would charge more for their products (inflation would go up) and they would not have money to expand and hire more people (unemployment would go up). I really don’t know if the exact amounts of the inflation and unemployment rises would be the same as the |$\%$| that the inflation rate rose but I thought maybe it would.”

“The cost of business goes up so business will try to raise prices to make a profit. Business will try to cut costs by employing fewer workers.”

“with change in fed funds rate upward, unemployment is likely to rise (as cost to business to borrow increases and invest less in expansion) and inflation should in theory be kept in check and even fall.”

“Interest rates rising will increase the cost of investment. This will make companies lay people off. However, with higher interest rates, less money will be invested and it will cause inflation to fall.”

“when the interest rate goes up I believe the unemployment rate goes up as well. Inflation will also hurt the job market. If people are not buying the jobs decrease.”

“the demand will decrease and the investment will be less than usual also saving will be increased”

“With the target rate going up, money will become more expensive to borrow, consumer credit rates will rise. This will cause consumer demand to drop and possibly put people out of work”

“when interest rates increase there is less spending no new jobs”

“Interest rate hike will cause less overall spending slightly more unemployment and greater inflation as prices adjust to this rate hike.”

Notes: This table displays examples for households’ responses to the open-text question, focusing on the monetary policy vignette. The left-hand side focuses on responses explicitly referring to a cost channel and neglecting demand-side mechanisms. The right-hand side focuses on responses pointing to demand-side channels.

Moreover, across all vignettes, sizable fractions of households (about 20|$\%$| to 30|$\%$|⁠) indicate thoughts that firms react to reductions in demand by increasing prices to maintain profit levels—a channel that has no role in standard models, and which is selected by almost none of the experts. Households’ positive predicted inflation response to interest rate or income tax hikes—the most striking deviation from experts’ forecasts—could thus be partially driven by (1) relatively higher attention to supply-side factors and (2) a different view on how firms adjust their prices in response to changes in product demand.

In the government spending shock, households select channels working through increases in product demand much less frequently than experts (between 25|$\%$| and 33|$\%$| among households compared to between 53|$\%$| and 63|$\%$| among experts). By contrast, households are almost twice as likely as experts to indicate reductions in household spending due to an increase in expected future taxes (29|$\%$| vs. 14|$\%$|⁠). Together, these patterns could explain households’ more muted average prediction about the unemployment response to higher government spending.

Finally, we use the open-ended data to document that experts are more likely to account for general equilibrium effects in their forecasts than households based on two facts. First, 10|$\%$| and 6|$\%$| of experts refer to endogenous reactions of the central bank to the oil shock and to the government spending shock, respectively, in the open-text question (see Figure A.7). Virtually none of the households refer to reactions by the Fed to these shocks. Second, 22|$\%$| of the experts explicitly refer to an economic model (such as the New-Keynesian model), compared to none of the households, suggesting that experts are more likely to think about the shocks through the lens of economic theories. These theories in turn account for general equilibrium effects of the shocks.19

Discussion. Taken together, we find strong heterogeneity in the propagation mechanisms respondents think about, both within and between our samples of households and experts. The responses by experts suggest that many experts retrieve textbook models when making their forecasts. These models in turn account for general equilibrium effects of the shocks. Heterogeneity within the expert sample could, for instance, be driven by differences in academic backgrounds or fields of expertise.20 Households frequently choose channels that are less important in textbook models and often neglect mechanisms that are commonly considered to be central. Their forecasting seems to be based on a patchwork of partial equilibrium responses that strongly differs across contexts and individuals. Households often do not account for second-round effects, such as policy responses, or disagree on their direction, such as for the pricing response of firms to changes in product demand. We explore the role of heterogeneous personal experiences as one driver of differences in associations within the household sample in Section 4.5.2 below.

Taking together the evidence presented above, our second main result is the following:

 
Result 2

The propagation channels that are on top of respondents’ minds vary systematically within and across our samples of households and experts. Experts tend to recall channels that are central in textbook models, while households in many cases neglect these channels and think of channels that are conventionally seen as less important.

Robustness: open-ended responses. We also leverage responses to the open-text question eliciting participants’ thoughts on the prediction screen to demonstrate the robustness of our findings to a different measurement technique. First, Supplementary Appendix Figure A.7 highlights how frequently different word groups are mentioned in the open-ended question across vignettes and samples. While naturally the levels are not comparable between structured and unstructured data of thoughts, we replicate differences between households and experts in terms of the relative importance of different mechanisms. Second, in Supplementary Appendix F, we develop a coding scheme to manually categorize open-ended responses into thoughts of different mechanisms. Each response is independently coded by two coders, with high inter-rater reliability. The hand-coded measures of thoughts are strongly correlated with our main measures based on the structured question (see Supplementary Appendix Tables A.19 and A.20), and are similarly distributed across vignettes (see Supplementary Appendix Figure A.11). These findings validate our measures based on the structured questions and mitigate concerns related to ex post rationalization of forecasts in the structured questions.

4.4. Correlations between associations and predictions

Is heterogeneity in thoughts about propagation channels driving heterogeneity in inflation and unemployment forecasts? Table 2 shows that the propagation mechanisms selected in the structured question are strongly associated with inflation and unemployment forecasts in both the expert and the household sample across all four vignettes. For presentational convenience, we use dummies indicating whether a respondent selects at least one (positive/negative) demand-side or supply-side channel, respectively.21

Table 2.

Thoughts of propagation channels correlate with predictions

Oil price
 HouseholdsExperts
 |$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$||$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)
Supply (–)0.343***0.145***–0.0100.329***
 (0.047)(0.046)(0.081)(0.063)
Demand (–)0.069*0.230***0.174**0.165**
 (0.040)(0.041)(0.077)(0.076)
Constant0.173***0.090**0.296***–0.076*
 (0.044)(0.042)(0.065)(0.046)
Observations5575579191
R20.1130.0780.0580.150
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.1680.2140.0950.440
Government spending
Crowding-out0.140***0.236***–0.0360.057
 (0.050)(0.055)(0.071)(0.046)
Demand (+)–0.067–0.249***0.076–0.299***
 (0.045)(0.047)(0.076)(0.057)
Constant0.329***0.080**0.195***0.009
 (0.038)(0.037)(0.067)(0.051)
Observations5195198888
R20.0230.1020.0140.266
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.0620.1800.1780.438
Federal funds target rate
Supply (–)0.188***0.142***0.090–0.094
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.075)(0.063)
Demand (–)–0.0530.088**–0.324***0.340***
 (0.040)(0.044)(0.096)(0.068)
Constant0.229***0.068*0.068–0.012
 (0.034)(0.039)(0.084)(0.063)
Observations5205209292
R20.0410.0320.1750.199
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.0880.0680.1670.206
Income taxes
Supply (–)0.217***0.188***0.0180.004
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.074)(0.074)
Demand (–)0.0240.054–0.150***0.212***
 (0.041)(0.043)(0.046)(0.038)
Constant0.254***0.130***–0.0350.041
 (0.032)(0.034)(0.041)(0.030)
Observations530530100100
R20.0530.0390.0950.169
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.1280.1290.3750.277
Oil price
 HouseholdsExperts
 |$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$||$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)
Supply (–)0.343***0.145***–0.0100.329***
 (0.047)(0.046)(0.081)(0.063)
Demand (–)0.069*0.230***0.174**0.165**
 (0.040)(0.041)(0.077)(0.076)
Constant0.173***0.090**0.296***–0.076*
 (0.044)(0.042)(0.065)(0.046)
Observations5575579191
R20.1130.0780.0580.150
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.1680.2140.0950.440
Government spending
Crowding-out0.140***0.236***–0.0360.057
 (0.050)(0.055)(0.071)(0.046)
Demand (+)–0.067–0.249***0.076–0.299***
 (0.045)(0.047)(0.076)(0.057)
Constant0.329***0.080**0.195***0.009
 (0.038)(0.037)(0.067)(0.051)
Observations5195198888
R20.0230.1020.0140.266
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.0620.1800.1780.438
Federal funds target rate
Supply (–)0.188***0.142***0.090–0.094
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.075)(0.063)
Demand (–)–0.0530.088**–0.324***0.340***
 (0.040)(0.044)(0.096)(0.068)
Constant0.229***0.068*0.068–0.012
 (0.034)(0.039)(0.084)(0.063)
Observations5205209292
R20.0410.0320.1750.199
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.0880.0680.1670.206
Income taxes
Supply (–)0.217***0.188***0.0180.004
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.074)(0.074)
Demand (–)0.0240.054–0.150***0.212***
 (0.041)(0.043)(0.046)(0.038)
Constant0.254***0.130***–0.0350.041
 (0.032)(0.034)(0.041)(0.030)
Observations530530100100
R20.0530.0390.0950.169
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.1280.1290.3750.277

Notes: This table shows data from Wave 3. It regresses the predicted inflation (⁠|$\Delta \pi$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$\Delta u$|⁠) changes on the propagation channels that were on respondents’ minds while they made their predictions (see Figure 3). Each panel presents results for a different vignette. In each panel, Columns (1) and (2) present results for households, Columns (3) and (4) present results for experts. “Supply (–)” takes value 1 for respondents who choose a negative supply-side propagation channel. “Demand (–)” and “Demand (+)” take value 1 for respondents choosing a negative or positive demand-side propagation channel, respectively. In the government spending vignette, “Crowding-out” takes value 1 for respondents who select the channel that demand falls due to higher expected future taxes (see Figure 3 for more details). Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Table 2.

Thoughts of propagation channels correlate with predictions

Oil price
 HouseholdsExperts
 |$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$||$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)
Supply (–)0.343***0.145***–0.0100.329***
 (0.047)(0.046)(0.081)(0.063)
Demand (–)0.069*0.230***0.174**0.165**
 (0.040)(0.041)(0.077)(0.076)
Constant0.173***0.090**0.296***–0.076*
 (0.044)(0.042)(0.065)(0.046)
Observations5575579191
R20.1130.0780.0580.150
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.1680.2140.0950.440
Government spending
Crowding-out0.140***0.236***–0.0360.057
 (0.050)(0.055)(0.071)(0.046)
Demand (+)–0.067–0.249***0.076–0.299***
 (0.045)(0.047)(0.076)(0.057)
Constant0.329***0.080**0.195***0.009
 (0.038)(0.037)(0.067)(0.051)
Observations5195198888
R20.0230.1020.0140.266
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.0620.1800.1780.438
Federal funds target rate
Supply (–)0.188***0.142***0.090–0.094
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.075)(0.063)
Demand (–)–0.0530.088**–0.324***0.340***
 (0.040)(0.044)(0.096)(0.068)
Constant0.229***0.068*0.068–0.012
 (0.034)(0.039)(0.084)(0.063)
Observations5205209292
R20.0410.0320.1750.199
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.0880.0680.1670.206
Income taxes
Supply (–)0.217***0.188***0.0180.004
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.074)(0.074)
Demand (–)0.0240.054–0.150***0.212***
 (0.041)(0.043)(0.046)(0.038)
Constant0.254***0.130***–0.0350.041
 (0.032)(0.034)(0.041)(0.030)
Observations530530100100
R20.0530.0390.0950.169
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.1280.1290.3750.277
Oil price
 HouseholdsExperts
 |$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$||$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)
Supply (–)0.343***0.145***–0.0100.329***
 (0.047)(0.046)(0.081)(0.063)
Demand (–)0.069*0.230***0.174**0.165**
 (0.040)(0.041)(0.077)(0.076)
Constant0.173***0.090**0.296***–0.076*
 (0.044)(0.042)(0.065)(0.046)
Observations5575579191
R20.1130.0780.0580.150
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.1680.2140.0950.440
Government spending
Crowding-out0.140***0.236***–0.0360.057
 (0.050)(0.055)(0.071)(0.046)
Demand (+)–0.067–0.249***0.076–0.299***
 (0.045)(0.047)(0.076)(0.057)
Constant0.329***0.080**0.195***0.009
 (0.038)(0.037)(0.067)(0.051)
Observations5195198888
R20.0230.1020.0140.266
R2 (all 7 channel indicators)0.0620.1800.1780.438
Federal funds target rate
Supply (–)0.188***0.142***0.090–0.094
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.075)(0.063)
Demand (–)–0.0530.088**–0.324***0.340***
 (0.040)(0.044)(0.096)(0.068)
Constant0.229***0.068*0.068–0.012
 (0.034)(0.039)(0.084)(0.063)
Observations5205209292
R20.0410.0320.1750.199
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.0880.0680.1670.206
Income taxes
Supply (–)0.217***0.188***0.0180.004
 (0.041)(0.044)(0.074)(0.074)
Demand (–)0.0240.054–0.150***0.212***
 (0.041)(0.043)(0.046)(0.038)
Constant0.254***0.130***–0.0350.041
 (0.032)(0.034)(0.041)(0.030)
Observations530530100100
R20.0530.0390.0950.169
R2 (all 8 channel indicators)0.1280.1290.3750.277

Notes: This table shows data from Wave 3. It regresses the predicted inflation (⁠|$\Delta \pi$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$\Delta u$|⁠) changes on the propagation channels that were on respondents’ minds while they made their predictions (see Figure 3). Each panel presents results for a different vignette. In each panel, Columns (1) and (2) present results for households, Columns (3) and (4) present results for experts. “Supply (–)” takes value 1 for respondents who choose a negative supply-side propagation channel. “Demand (–)” and “Demand (+)” take value 1 for respondents choosing a negative or positive demand-side propagation channel, respectively. In the government spending vignette, “Crowding-out” takes value 1 for respondents who select the channel that demand falls due to higher expected future taxes (see Figure 3 for more details). Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Most of the correlational patterns uncovered in Table 2 go into the expected direction. For example, households thinking of negative supply-side propagation channels expect higher increases of inflation (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) in response to an oil price shock. Experts choosing supply-side propagation channels also expect higher increases in unemployment (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) in response to oil price hikes, but do not expect higher levels of inflation. In the context of the government spending shock, we uncover robust negative correlations between choosing propagation channels related to positive demand-side shocks and expected changes in unemployment rates (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠). Among households, we also find a strong positive association between choosing channels related to crowding-out and predicted increases in inflation (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) in response to a government spending increase, while for experts this association is more muted. For households, we document strong positive associations between choosing supply-related propagation mechanisms and predicted increases in inflation (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) in response to both an interest rate hike and an increase in income taxes, while for experts these patterns are less pronounced. For experts, on the other hand, we find that choosing demand-related mechanisms is associated with lower inflation (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and higher unemployment (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) predictions in response to both an interest rate and an income tax hike.

Table 2 illustrates that, across shocks, dummies for thoughts about different propagation channels have significant explanatory power for forecasts. Regressing forecasts on dummies for all vignette-specific channels gives an R-squared between 6|$\%$| and 21|$\%$| for households, and between 10|$\%$| and 44|$\%$| for experts. These values are sizeable given the low R-squared often documented in studies of the determinants of survey expectations, such as individual characteristics or experiences (Malmendier and Nagel, 2011; Kuchler and Zafar, 2019; Das, Kuhnen and Nagel, 2020; Giglio et al., 2021). The actual explanatory power of associations is likely even larger than measured in our survey given (1) the potential measurement error in associations, (2) the fact that we do not measure the perceived strength of the different channels, and (3) the possibility that we do not capture all relevant channels that respondents have on their minds.

Can differences in associations account for differences in average predictions between households and experts? Table 3 examines the extent to which the gap in predictions between experts and households can be explained by differences in responses to the structured question on propagation mechanisms. Our analysis zooms in on the three predictions for which the average gap between households and experts is most pronounced. Columns 1 and 2 show that the average differences in unemployment predictions in the government spending vignette are fully explained by differences in the selected propagation mechanisms. Columns 3 and 4 show that the propagation channels explain approximately one third of the gap in inflation predictions in the interest rate vignette. Finally, they explain about one third of the prediction gap in the tax vignette (Columns 5 and 6). Taking together the evidence presented above, our third main result is the following:

Table 3.

Thoughts of propagation channels account for differences between experts’ and households’ predictions

 Government spendingFederal funds rateIncome taxes
 Unemployment |$\boldsymbol{\Delta u}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)
Expert–0.215***–0.003–0.462***–0.323***–0.517***–0.347***
 (0.036)(0.035)(0.037)(0.048)(0.030)(0.041)
Constant0.0130.0400.297***0.207***0.368***0.248***
 (0.025)(0.035)(0.020)(0.030)(0.021)(0.030)
|$\boldsymbol{p_F}$|⁠: Expert coeff. equal |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001
Channels|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations608607614612631630
R|$^{2}$|0.0200.2030.1270.1990.1520.258
 Government spendingFederal funds rateIncome taxes
 Unemployment |$\boldsymbol{\Delta u}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)
Expert–0.215***–0.003–0.462***–0.323***–0.517***–0.347***
 (0.036)(0.035)(0.037)(0.048)(0.030)(0.041)
Constant0.0130.0400.297***0.207***0.368***0.248***
 (0.025)(0.035)(0.020)(0.030)(0.021)(0.030)
|$\boldsymbol{p_F}$|⁠: Expert coeff. equal |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001
Channels|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations608607614612631630
R|$^{2}$|0.0200.2030.1270.1990.1520.258

Notes: This table uses data from Wave 3 of the expert and household surveys. It tests whether thoughts of different propagation channels (see Figure 3) can account for the differences in experts’ and households’ predicted inflation (⁠|$\Delta \pi$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$\Delta u$|⁠) changes. We consider the three cases for which large differences in experts’ and households’ predictions can be found: Unemployment in the government spending vignette (columns 1–2), inflation in the federal funds rate vignette (columns 3–4), and inflation in the income tax rate vignette (columns 5–6). “Expert” takes value 1 for respondents from the expert sample. Results in columns (2), (4), and (6) control for the selected propagation channels (7–8 indicators, depending on the vignette, see Figure 3 for all propagation channels). p-values result from an F-test of equality of the “Expert” coefficient with and without channel controls (estimated using seemingly unrelated regressions). * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Table 3.

Thoughts of propagation channels account for differences between experts’ and households’ predictions

 Government spendingFederal funds rateIncome taxes
 Unemployment |$\boldsymbol{\Delta u}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)
Expert–0.215***–0.003–0.462***–0.323***–0.517***–0.347***
 (0.036)(0.035)(0.037)(0.048)(0.030)(0.041)
Constant0.0130.0400.297***0.207***0.368***0.248***
 (0.025)(0.035)(0.020)(0.030)(0.021)(0.030)
|$\boldsymbol{p_F}$|⁠: Expert coeff. equal |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001
Channels|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations608607614612631630
R|$^{2}$|0.0200.2030.1270.1990.1520.258
 Government spendingFederal funds rateIncome taxes
 Unemployment |$\boldsymbol{\Delta u}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|Inflation |$\boldsymbol{\Delta \pi}$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)
Expert–0.215***–0.003–0.462***–0.323***–0.517***–0.347***
 (0.036)(0.035)(0.037)(0.048)(0.030)(0.041)
Constant0.0130.0400.297***0.207***0.368***0.248***
 (0.025)(0.035)(0.020)(0.030)(0.021)(0.030)
|$\boldsymbol{p_F}$|⁠: Expert coeff. equal |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001 |$\boldsymbol{<}$|0.001
Channels|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations608607614612631630
R|$^{2}$|0.0200.2030.1270.1990.1520.258

Notes: This table uses data from Wave 3 of the expert and household surveys. It tests whether thoughts of different propagation channels (see Figure 3) can account for the differences in experts’ and households’ predicted inflation (⁠|$\Delta \pi$|⁠) and unemployment (⁠|$\Delta u$|⁠) changes. We consider the three cases for which large differences in experts’ and households’ predictions can be found: Unemployment in the government spending vignette (columns 1–2), inflation in the federal funds rate vignette (columns 3–4), and inflation in the income tax rate vignette (columns 5–6). “Expert” takes value 1 for respondents from the expert sample. Results in columns (2), (4), and (6) control for the selected propagation channels (7–8 indicators, depending on the vignette, see Figure 3 for all propagation channels). p-values result from an F-test of equality of the “Expert” coefficient with and without channel controls (estimated using seemingly unrelated regressions). * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

 
Result 3

Thoughts of specific propagation channels are correlated with forecasts of the effects of macroeconomic shocks on inflation and unemployment in the expected directions, and account for part of the differences in forecasts between households and experts.

Other drivers of forecasts. In Supplementary Appendix Section H.1, we provide evidence on other potential drivers of respondents’ forecasts. That section illustrates a quantitatively important role of associations about propagation channels relative to other potential drivers of forecasts, including respondents’ (1) beliefs about historical correlations of different macroeconomic variables, (2) perceived importance of macroeconomic knowledge for making good economic decisions, (3) actual knowledge of different aspects of the economy, (4) numeracy, and (5) background characteristics.

4.5. Memory and heterogeneity in associations

Human memory is known to be associative, selective, and to draw on personal experiences (Kahana, 2012; Bordalo, Gennaioli and Shleifer, 2020b; Enke et al., 2020). Is associative memory driving heterogeneity in thoughts of propagation channels and forecasts? In this section, we test two key predictions of theories of associative memory. First, theories of associative memory predict that contextual cues affect the forecasts people make by changing the associations that come to their minds. Second, different personal experiences in the memory database should be reflected in differences in associations and forecasts. We test these conjectures based on a priming intervention and an additional correlational exercise exploiting rich data on people’s personal experiences.

4.5.1. The effect of contextual cues

To shed light on the role of contextual cues, we conduct a simple experiment. The experiment aims to provide a proof of concept that an exogenous change in contextual cues can change people’s selective retrieval of propagation mechanisms and, thereby, causally affect their forecasts of the effects of macroeconomic shocks. If an exogenous change in attention to specific aspects of the prediction problem changes respondents’ forecasts, this would suggest that individuals do not hold a “fixed” subjective model, but instead form their models “on the fly,” depending on the associations triggered by the context.

Sample. We conduct this experiment with a sample of 1,521 respondents provided by Lucid in February 2021 (Wave 4 of the household survey). Our sample is again broadly representative of the US population in terms of a set of basic demographic variables (see Supplementary Appendix Table A.1).

Design. Our design closely follows the descriptive survey on associations, except that it only focuses on inflation expectations and the interest rate vignette (see Supplementary Appendix Figure A.1 for a visual summary). We focus on beliefs about the effect of a federal funds rate hike on the inflation rate as this is one of the cases where predictions differ the most between households and experts.22 Moreover, monetary policy innovations are the most studied type of shock in the theoretical and empirical literature.

In the experiment, we randomize respondents into one of three arms: Respondents in the “cost treatment” are asked two additional questions on firms’ costs of doing business before making their inflation prediction. First, they are asked whether US firms face higher or lower costs of doing business when the federal funds rate rises. Second, they are asked to describe their main considerations in making their prediction about costs in an open-text box. In the “demand treatment,” respondents are asked about the demand for firms’ products before they forecast effects on inflation. First, they are asked whether firms face higher or lower demand for their goods and services when the federal funds rate rises. Second, as in the cost treatment, they describe their main considerations in making the prediction about demand in an open-ended question. Respondents in the “control treatment” do not receive any additional prompt before they make their inflation prediction. Respondents in all three groups report in an open-text box what considerations are on their mind while they make their inflation prediction.23

At the end of the survey, respondents in the control treatment are asked either the same two additional questions on costs (“cost control group”) or the same two additional questions on demand (“demand control group”). This allows us to characterize heterogeneity in beliefs and to study whether the effects of our priming treatments depend on participants’ beliefs about the direction of the effect of the federal funds rate hike on costs or demand.24

The purpose of asking respondents to forecast the response of costs or demand to the shock before they make their inflation forecast is to exogenously expose respondents to different contextual cues, which in turn point to different aspects of the shock. For instance, if cues drive associations and forecasts, then our demand treatment should reduce respondents’ inflation forecasts by increasing their retrieval of demand-side mechanisms. We believe that asking an additional question on the decision screen is a relatively subtle way of changing the contextual cues our respondents are exposed to, which mitigates concerns about experimenter demand effects (de Quidt, Haushofer and Roth, 2018). In addition to providing evidence on the role of contextual cues, our experiment allows us to test for a causal relationship between associations and forecasts, thereby validating our evidence presented in Section 4.4.

Results. We leverage the text data in which respondents describe what is on their mind while making the inflation prediction to shed light on the effects of our treatments on selective retrieval of propagation mechanisms. Columns 1 and 2 of Table 4 present the effects of the treatments on the words that respondents use to describe their thoughts.25 Respondents in the “cost treatment” arm are 8.6 p.p. (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) more likely to use words related to firms’ costs (control mean: 9.3|$\%$|⁠). The demand treatment increases the use of words related to demand by 7.7 p.p. (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠)—a 75|$\%$| increase compared to the control group mean of 10.6|$\%$|⁠. There are no spillovers of the cost treatment on the use of demand-related words, or vice versa. The overall small fractions mentioning such words should be viewed in light of the unstructured nature of the open-text data. Taken together, the contextual cues in our treatments draw respondents’ attention to specific propagation mechanisms of the shocks.

Table 4.

Results of the priming study (households only)

 Word usage (open-text data)Inflation prediction
 Cost-related wordsDemand-related words|$\Delta \pi$|
 (1)(2)(3)
Costs prime0.086***0.0070.021
 (0.023)(0.020)(0.031)
Demand prime–0.0210.077***–0.057**
 (0.017)(0.023)(0.029)
Constant0.093***0.106***0.366***
 (0.010)(0.011)(0.017)
|$p$|⁠: Costs = Demand<0.0010.0070.028
Observations1,5211,5211,521
R|$^{2}$|0.0170.0100.004
 Word usage (open-text data)Inflation prediction
 Cost-related wordsDemand-related words|$\Delta \pi$|
 (1)(2)(3)
Costs prime0.086***0.0070.021
 (0.023)(0.020)(0.031)
Demand prime–0.0210.077***–0.057**
 (0.017)(0.023)(0.029)
Constant0.093***0.106***0.366***
 (0.010)(0.011)(0.017)
|$p$|⁠: Costs = Demand<0.0010.0070.028
Observations1,5211,5211,521
R|$^{2}$|0.0170.0100.004

Notes: This table presents results from the priming study which focuses on the interest rate vignette (Wave 4 of the household survey). “Costs prime” takes value 1 for respondents randomly assigned to be primed on the costs of production. “Demand prime” takes value 1 for respondents randomly assigned to be primed on product demand. Columns (1) and (2) show effects on word usage in the open-text responses, and Column (3) presents the effects on the inflation forecast. The variable “Cost-related words” takes value 1 for responses which include the word (stem) “cost.” “Demand-related words” takes value 1 for responses which use the words or word stems “demand,” “buy,” “purchas,” “invest,” “spend,” and “consum.” |$\Delta \pi$| denotes the perceived reaction of the inflation rate. Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Table 4.

Results of the priming study (households only)

 Word usage (open-text data)Inflation prediction
 Cost-related wordsDemand-related words|$\Delta \pi$|
 (1)(2)(3)
Costs prime0.086***0.0070.021
 (0.023)(0.020)(0.031)
Demand prime–0.0210.077***–0.057**
 (0.017)(0.023)(0.029)
Constant0.093***0.106***0.366***
 (0.010)(0.011)(0.017)
|$p$|⁠: Costs = Demand<0.0010.0070.028
Observations1,5211,5211,521
R|$^{2}$|0.0170.0100.004
 Word usage (open-text data)Inflation prediction
 Cost-related wordsDemand-related words|$\Delta \pi$|
 (1)(2)(3)
Costs prime0.086***0.0070.021
 (0.023)(0.020)(0.031)
Demand prime–0.0210.077***–0.057**
 (0.017)(0.023)(0.029)
Constant0.093***0.106***0.366***
 (0.010)(0.011)(0.017)
|$p$|⁠: Costs = Demand<0.0010.0070.028
Observations1,5211,5211,521
R|$^{2}$|0.0170.0100.004

Notes: This table presents results from the priming study which focuses on the interest rate vignette (Wave 4 of the household survey). “Costs prime” takes value 1 for respondents randomly assigned to be primed on the costs of production. “Demand prime” takes value 1 for respondents randomly assigned to be primed on product demand. Columns (1) and (2) show effects on word usage in the open-text responses, and Column (3) presents the effects on the inflation forecast. The variable “Cost-related words” takes value 1 for responses which include the word (stem) “cost.” “Demand-related words” takes value 1 for responses which use the words or word stems “demand,” “buy,” “purchas,” “invest,” “spend,” and “consum.” |$\Delta \pi$| denotes the perceived reaction of the inflation rate. Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

We next turn to the effects on respondents’ inflation forecasts. Column 3 of Table 4 shows that while the cost prime increases inflation predictions insignificantly by 0.021 p.p. (⁠|$p=0.50$|⁠), the demand prime significantly decreases inflation predictions by 0.057 p.p. (⁠|$p<0.05$|⁠). The weaker response of inflation forecasts to the cost treatment could be due to the fact that many households already predict a positive inflation response by default, potentially due to higher attention to supply-side mechanisms. This could limit the scope for further increases in inflation forecasts.

Despite the relatively large effects on associations, the effects on inflation forecasts we uncover are relatively small in magnitude. There are at least three potential explanations. First, the effect of attention to changes in costs or product demand on inflation forecasts should depend on respondents’ beliefs about the direction of changes in costs or product demand in response to the rate hike. If there is disagreement on the directions of these changes, this will attenuate the average effects of attention to costs or demand on inflation forecasts. Consistent with this conjecture, Supplementary Appendix Table A.6 shows that the demand treatment decreases inflation forecasts by 0.10 p.p. (⁠|$p<0.05$|⁠) among respondents expecting a decrease in demand, while it has no significant effect among those expecting an increase. Similarly, the cost treatment increases inflation predictions by 0.05 p.p. among respondents who expect an increase in costs (⁠|$p=0.20$|⁠), while it decreases predictions by 0.15 p.p. among respondents who expect a decrease in costs (⁠|$p=0.14$|⁠). Second, even among respondents with beliefs about changes in costs or changes in demand in the same direction, there could be disagreement about the direction of firms’ pricing response to a given change in costs or demand. Indeed, as documented in Section 4.3, households seem to disagree about the direction in which firms adjust their prices in response to decreases in demand. Such disagreement implies that higher attention to demand or costs shifts different households’ inflation forecasts in different directions, which may further attenuate the average effects on inflation forecasts. Third, inattention to the demand- or supply-side may only be part of the story, i.e., people could hold differential beliefs about the importance of demand- and supply-side channels in the transmission. Hence, even if respondents are made attentive to these channels, only part of them might think this is important for inflation.

4.5.2. The role of experiences

Associative memory also predicts that different personal experiences in the memory database should be reflected in differences in associations and forecasts. We use an additional data collection on the government spending vignette among households (Wave 5) and data on the oil price vignette (from Wave 3 of the household survey) to shed light on this conjecture.

Experiences with the propagation channels of military spending. In an additional data collection (Wave 5 of the household survey, |$n=486$|⁠), we collect data on the government spending vignette using identical baseline instructions as in Wave 3.26 In addition, we include two main sets of variables to gauge the role of personal experiences.

First, we ask respondents to assess their overall experience with the mechanisms that we listed in our structured question on propagation channels, such as an increase in household spending due to higher incomes (see Figure 3). Respondents rate the extent to which they themselves or their family and friends have been part of each mechanism on a five-point scale ranging from “no experiences” to “a lot of experiences.” For the analysis, we compute two summary indices, namely the standardized sum of experiences with positive demand-side channels and a standardized version of experience with “crowding-out” channels. The two indices provide measures of respondents’ cumulative first-hand and second-hand experiences with propagation channels.

Second, we also zoom in on a more specific experience by eliciting whether the respondent or anyone among their friends and family members has ever been employed by a company receiving contracts from the US military. This, in turn, allows us to capture one specific way in which a respondent could have direct personal experience with the demand-side mechanisms and, in particular, the potential labour market effects of military spending increases.

Panel A of Table 5 shows that respondents who indicate to have more experiences with positive demand-side mechanisms are more likely to choose positive demand channels (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and somewhat less likely to choose channels related to crowd-out (⁠|$p<0.10$|⁠) in the structured question, and are more likely to mention words related to product demand (⁠|$p<0.10$|⁠) and labour demand (⁠|$p<0.10$|⁠) in the open-text question. Conversely, respondents who have more experiences with crowd-out channels are more likely to choose propagation channels related to crowd-out (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and less likely to choose channels related to increases in demand (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) in the structured question, and somewhat more likely to mention words related to costs (⁠|$p<0.10$|⁠) and less likely to mention words related to labour (⁠|$p<0.05$|⁠) in the open-text question. These differences in the propagation channels respondents think of are reflected in a more negative predicted unemployment response to the spending program among those with positive demand-side experiences (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and a more positive predicted unemployment response among those with crowd-out experiences (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠).

Table 5.

Households’ experiences correlate with mechanism associations and forecasts

(A) Government spending: experience with propagation channels (std. indices)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Experienced crowd.-out0.093***–0.081***0.023*–0.034–0.050**0.0040.106***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.012)(0.025)(0.025)(0.026)(0.029)
Experienced demand +–0.046*0.107***0.0030.044*0.048*0.038–0.109***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.014)(0.025)(0.026)(0.025)(0.030)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.1130.0760.0380.1910.0920.1420.180
(B) Government spending: ever worked for military supplier (self/friend, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes–0.0100.081*–0.0050.0360.121***–0.024–0.101**
 (0.043)(0.046)(0.020)(0.043)(0.042)(0.045)(0.049)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.0880.0500.0250.1870.0980.1370.155
(C) Oil price: experienced OPEC crisis (born before 1962, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Supply (–)Demand (–)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes0.114***0.0360.100**0.0390.0110.208***0.202***
 (0.040)(0.045)(0.040)(0.031)(0.041)(0.044)(0.043)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations521521521521521521521
R|$^{2}$|0.0640.0400.0530.0200.0260.0800.074
(A) Government spending: experience with propagation channels (std. indices)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Experienced crowd.-out0.093***–0.081***0.023*–0.034–0.050**0.0040.106***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.012)(0.025)(0.025)(0.026)(0.029)
Experienced demand +–0.046*0.107***0.0030.044*0.048*0.038–0.109***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.014)(0.025)(0.026)(0.025)(0.030)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.1130.0760.0380.1910.0920.1420.180
(B) Government spending: ever worked for military supplier (self/friend, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes–0.0100.081*–0.0050.0360.121***–0.024–0.101**
 (0.043)(0.046)(0.020)(0.043)(0.042)(0.045)(0.049)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.0880.0500.0250.1870.0980.1370.155
(C) Oil price: experienced OPEC crisis (born before 1962, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Supply (–)Demand (–)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes0.114***0.0360.100**0.0390.0110.208***0.202***
 (0.040)(0.045)(0.040)(0.031)(0.041)(0.044)(0.043)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations521521521521521521521
R|$^{2}$|0.0640.0400.0530.0200.0260.0800.074

Notes: This table presents results from Wave 3 (Panel C) and Wave 5 (Panels A and B) of the household survey. In Columns (1) and (2), it asks whether respondents who made experiences related to the vignettes think about different propagation mechanisms (binary indicators; see Figure 3). In Columns (3) to (5), it tests whether respondents with vignette-related experiences use different word (stems) in their open-text responses (binary indicators; “Costs”: cost; “Demand”: demand, buy, purchas, invest, spend, consum; “Labour”: layoff, fire, hire, labour, work, job). In Columns (6) and (7), it tests whether they make different forecasts (inflation: |$\Delta \pi$|⁠, unemployment: |$\Delta u$|⁠). The right-hand-side experience variable varies across panels. In Panel A, “Experienced crowding-out” and “Experienced demand (+)” are standardized indices of self-rated experiences (familiarity) with crowding-out and positive demand-side channels, respectively. In Panel B, “Yes” is a binary dummy taking value 1 if respondents themselves or friends/family of them ever worked for a company that sells to the US military. In Panel C, “Yes” is a binary dummy taking value 1 if respondents were born before 1962, a proxy that they experienced the OPEC crisis. Control variables comprise age (except for Panel C), log income, inflation, and unemployment forecasts in the baseline scenario, as well as binary indicators for gender, college education, being a Republican, having taken an economics course at the college level, and census regions. Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Table 5.

Households’ experiences correlate with mechanism associations and forecasts

(A) Government spending: experience with propagation channels (std. indices)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Experienced crowd.-out0.093***–0.081***0.023*–0.034–0.050**0.0040.106***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.012)(0.025)(0.025)(0.026)(0.029)
Experienced demand +–0.046*0.107***0.0030.044*0.048*0.038–0.109***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.014)(0.025)(0.026)(0.025)(0.030)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.1130.0760.0380.1910.0920.1420.180
(B) Government spending: ever worked for military supplier (self/friend, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes–0.0100.081*–0.0050.0360.121***–0.024–0.101**
 (0.043)(0.046)(0.020)(0.043)(0.042)(0.045)(0.049)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.0880.0500.0250.1870.0980.1370.155
(C) Oil price: experienced OPEC crisis (born before 1962, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Supply (–)Demand (–)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes0.114***0.0360.100**0.0390.0110.208***0.202***
 (0.040)(0.045)(0.040)(0.031)(0.041)(0.044)(0.043)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations521521521521521521521
R|$^{2}$|0.0640.0400.0530.0200.0260.0800.074
(A) Government spending: experience with propagation channels (std. indices)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Experienced crowd.-out0.093***–0.081***0.023*–0.034–0.050**0.0040.106***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.012)(0.025)(0.025)(0.026)(0.029)
Experienced demand +–0.046*0.107***0.0030.044*0.048*0.038–0.109***
 (0.026)(0.026)(0.014)(0.025)(0.026)(0.025)(0.030)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.1130.0760.0380.1910.0920.1420.180
(B) Government spending: ever worked for military supplier (self/friend, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Crowding-outDemand (+)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes–0.0100.081*–0.0050.0360.121***–0.024–0.101**
 (0.043)(0.046)(0.020)(0.043)(0.042)(0.045)(0.049)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations483483483483483483483
R|$^{2}$|0.0880.0500.0250.1870.0980.1370.155
(C) Oil price: experienced OPEC crisis (born before 1962, binary indicator)
 Propagation channelsWord usage (open-text data)Predictions
 Supply (–)Demand (–)CostsDemandLabour|$\Delta\pi$||$\Delta u$|
 (1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)
Yes0.114***0.0360.100**0.0390.0110.208***0.202***
 (0.040)(0.045)(0.040)(0.031)(0.041)(0.044)(0.043)
Controls|$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$||$\checkmark$|
Observations521521521521521521521
R|$^{2}$|0.0640.0400.0530.0200.0260.0800.074

Notes: This table presents results from Wave 3 (Panel C) and Wave 5 (Panels A and B) of the household survey. In Columns (1) and (2), it asks whether respondents who made experiences related to the vignettes think about different propagation mechanisms (binary indicators; see Figure 3). In Columns (3) to (5), it tests whether respondents with vignette-related experiences use different word (stems) in their open-text responses (binary indicators; “Costs”: cost; “Demand”: demand, buy, purchas, invest, spend, consum; “Labour”: layoff, fire, hire, labour, work, job). In Columns (6) and (7), it tests whether they make different forecasts (inflation: |$\Delta \pi$|⁠, unemployment: |$\Delta u$|⁠). The right-hand-side experience variable varies across panels. In Panel A, “Experienced crowding-out” and “Experienced demand (+)” are standardized indices of self-rated experiences (familiarity) with crowding-out and positive demand-side channels, respectively. In Panel B, “Yes” is a binary dummy taking value 1 if respondents themselves or friends/family of them ever worked for a company that sells to the US military. In Panel C, “Yes” is a binary dummy taking value 1 if respondents were born before 1962, a proxy that they experienced the OPEC crisis. Control variables comprise age (except for Panel C), log income, inflation, and unemployment forecasts in the baseline scenario, as well as binary indicators for gender, college education, being a Republican, having taken an economics course at the college level, and census regions. Robust standard errors are in parentheses. * denotes significance at 10 pct., ** at 5 pct., and *** at 1 pct. level.

Panel B of Table 5 shows that respondents who were either personally employed by a company receiving contracts from the US military or have someone among their friends and family members who was employed by such a company are somewhat more likely to choose propagation channels related to demand in the structured question (⁠|$p<0.10$|⁠), and are more likely to use words related to labour in the open-ended question (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) when they make their forecasts. They also predict a stronger decrease in the unemployment rate in response to the increase in government spending (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠).27

Experiences with oil supply shocks. To provide further evidence on the role of personal experiences, we leverage variation in whether respondents lived through the OPEC crisis in the 1970s—a singular and particularly memorable event. Building on prior work by Binder and Makridis (2022), we proxy personal experiences of the 1970s oil crisis with an indicator for whether the respondent was born before 1962 (teenagers by the late 1970s). Given that the oil price shocks of the 1970s are conventionally seen as supply-side shocks, we would expect respondents with personal experiences of the OPEC crisis to be more likely to recall channels related to production cost increases.

Panel C of Table 5 shows that individuals born before 1962 are indeed more likely to choose propagation channels related to the supply-side (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) and more likely to use words related to costs (⁠|$p<0.05$|⁠) when making predictions in the oil vignette. Consistent with the associations on top of their mind, respondents who experienced the OPEC crisis predict stronger increases in unemployment and inflation (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠) (Panel C of Table 5).28

Taking together the evidence presented in Section 4.5, our fourth and final result can be summarized as follows:

 
Result 4

Contextual cues causally affect households’ predictions by changing the associations that come to their minds. Moreover, personal experiences are correlated with selective recall of specific propagation mechanisms, which is reflected in individuals’ beliefs about the effects of macroeconomic shocks. These two findings are in line with an important role of associative memory in shaping individuals’ forecasts about the effects of macroeconomic shocks.

In this view, households do not form their expectations based on a fixed subjective model. Instead, individuals form their subjective models “on the fly,” in line with the associations that come to their mind, which depend on both the context and prior experiences. This suggests that news or actual events in the economy systematically affect which models people entertain. Rather than sticking to one particular model, economic agents retrieve specific experiences when cued by events, which in turn shape the economic mechanisms they think of.

Other sources of associations. Personal experiences typically vary widely across individuals and are hence likely to be a key driver of heterogeneity in associations regarding macroeconomic shocks. At the same time, personal experiences are likely not the only source of households’ associations. For instance, individuals could retrieve things they have recently heard in the news, recall things about economics they learned in college or school, or think of the immediate consequences of a shock for themselves.

Supplementary Appendix Table A.8 uses responses to a question on which approaches households followed in making their forecasts (see Supplementary Appendix Figure A.5) to examine how thoughts of different channels vary across different sources of associations. Households that use knowledge of economics in their predictions are more likely to have associations of channels that are important in textbook models, moving their thoughts closer to those of experts. Respondents whose predictions are shaped by their personal situations are more likely to think of demand-side channels, such as changes in household spending, across the different vignettes. Finally, retrieving macroeconomic experiences or things heard in the news is significantly associated with having more thoughts of both supply-side and demand-side channels in the different vignettes.

Future research could provide more systematic evidence on how personal experiences or media exposure trigger different associations across contexts. Such an exercise could be guided by a model of memory that makes predictions on how experiences or things heard in the news affect associations across contexts.

5. Implications

In this section, we discuss the broader implications of our findings for understanding macroeconomic expectation formation and for modelling choices.

5.1. Understanding disagreement in expectations

One of the most well-documented empirical facts on the macroeconomic expectations of households, firms, and experts is that there is a substantial amount of disagreement about the future development of the economy (Mankiw et al., 2003; Coibion and Gorodnichenko, 2012; Dovern et al., 2012; Link et al., 2021; Giglio et al., 2021). This evidence is at odds with traditional models of full information and rational expectations. There are two broad views on the origins of disagreement in macroeconomic expectations. The most prominent explanation for belief disagreement brought forward by the theoretical literature is that agents have different information on the current state of the economy, which may be driven by infrequent updating of information sets (Mankiw and Reis, 2002; Reis, 2006) or by noise in private signals about the economy (Sims, 2003; Woodford, 2003). According to such explanations, if agents have the same information sets, they fully agree on how the economy responds to shocks. In contrast to this view, we document strong heterogeneity in unemployment and inflation forecasts even in a setting where all individuals observe the same shock and hold similar information about current realizations of macroeconomic variables. This finding is more in line with the alternative view that dispersion in expectations is (partially) due to individuals relying on different subjective models of the economy (Bray and Savin, 1986; Marcet and Sargent, 1989; Andrade et al., 2016; Molavi, 2019; Angeletos et al., 2020). Accordingly, economic agents evaluate the same news about the economy through the lens of their own model. Since there is strong heterogeneity in these models, disagreement about the future arises even when agents have comparable information about current realizations of macroeconomic variables and shocks.

5.2. Relation to existing theories featuring disagreement about the model

Can existing theories featuring disagreement about the model of the economy explain our findings? For instance, in theories of learning and model misspecification, agents may disagree about structural parameters of the economy, such as the persistence of inflation (Bray and Savin, 1986; Marcet and Sargent, 1989; Orphanides and Williams, 2005; Milani, 2007; Evans and Honkapohja, 2012; Bhandari, Borovicka and Ho, 2019; Molavi, 2019; Angeletos et al., 2020). In models of learning from experience (Malmendier and Nagel, 2016), individuals only use realizations of macroeconomic variables observed during their lifetimes to estimate the data-generating process, leading to disagreement in inflation expectations across cohorts even if everyone observes the same current realization. While heterogeneous beliefs about structural parameters from this literature find support in our results, these models cannot quantitatively account for the large heterogeneity in beliefs about the impact of the shocks we document, including disagreement even about the directional responses to shocks. More importantly, our priming evidence that changes in attention to different aspects of the problem affect forecasts is at odds with these models.29

5.3. Associative recall and subjective models

Instead, our evidence is consistent with the idea that heterogeneity in macroeconomic expectations is partially due to associative recall of different propagation mechanisms of shocks (Gennaioli and Shleifer, 2010; Bordalo et al., 2020a). In this view, heterogeneity in the models individuals rely on is not fully stable, but depends on what is cued by the context and on individuals’ past experiences. Given our evidence, we believe that incorporating associative recall could be a fruitful avenue for macroeconomic modelling.

While formulating a model of associative recall as a driver of heterogeneity in subjective models is beyond the scope of our article, in Supplementary Appendix I, we compare the predictions of a canonical sticky-information model (Mankiw and Reis, 2002) with those of a basic framework that features heterogeneity in beliefs about the effects of macroeconomic shocks, being agnostic about the sources of heterogeneity in these beliefs. We calibrate both models to the empirical results from our vignettes and show that subjective models can produce either an under- or over-reaction of expectations relative to the true inflation response to shocks, and a rise in disagreement of comparable magnitude to that of the sticky-information model. However, unless some frictions in observation of shocks (i.e. sticky information) are assumed, the subjective models framework cannot explain empirical evidence on the persistence in forecast errors by Coibion and Gorodnichenko (2012). Hence, a subjective models approach does not fully substitute but rather complements information frictions.

5.4. Disagreement in more natural settings

How do our findings speak to disagreement in more natural settings? Our vignettes describe different hypothetical shocks with a small number of parameters, including previous realizations of the shock variable, unemployment and inflation, as well as the duration of the shock and the information structure. Real-world macroeconomic shocks likely feature a higher number of relevant parameters. Moreover, the simplifying common knowledge assumption about the duration of changes in government spending or taxes in our vignettes will rarely be fulfilled in the real world. These points suggest that disagreement about the effects of shocks in more natural settings, both among households and among experts, may be even larger than measured in our surveys.

6. Conclusion

Using samples of about 6,500 households representative of the US population and samples of about 1,500 experts, we use a new vignette-based approach to measure individuals’ subjective models of the economy and investigate their attentional foundations. We document substantial disagreement, even about the directional effects of macroeconomic shocks, both within and between samples of households and experts, in a setting where individuals have similar information about previous realizations of macroeconomic variables. Part of this disagreement seems to be due to selective recall of different propagation mechanisms of the shocks. While experts tend to retrieve textbook models, households often neglect channels that are commonly viewed as central to the transmission of a shock. Finally, we provide evidence on the role of associative memory in shaping heterogeneity in thoughts of propagation channels in two ways. First, contextual cues causally affect forecasts by changing the propagation channels individuals retrieve. Second, prior experiences are reflected in the retrieved propagation channels and forecasts. Our findings highlight associative memory as a source of disagreement in macroeconomic expectations.

We believe that our approach of measuring beliefs about the effects of shocks can be applied to many other questions in macroeconomics. For example, it could be fruitful to apply our approach to other structural shocks that are commonly found to be quantitatively important, such as total factor productivity or sentiment shocks. In addition, we believe that our approach of measuring what is on top of people’s mind while they make their predictions is a widely applicable tool that could help to better understand how associations drive belief formation.

Our findings also have several implications for policymakers.30 First, in recent years policy institutions have made efforts to reach broader groups with their communication to increase the effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policy (Haldane and McMahon, 2018). Such efforts could be less fruitful if households disagree about the direction in which policy shocks affect macroeconomic outcomes. Second, our evidence suggests that the way a policy is communicated—for example, whether demand-side implications rather than supply-side implications are emphasized—could substantially alter its effect on individuals’ expectations. Finally, our finding of substantial heterogeneity in households’ beliefs about macroeconomic relationships implies a large degree of variation in the effectiveness of monetary policy and fiscal policy in shifting expectations and behaviour for different sub-populations of interest.

The editor in charge of this paper was Nicola Gennaioli.

Supplementary Data

Supplementary data are available at Review of Economic Studies online. And the replication packages are available at https://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5744016.

Acknowledgements

The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the IMF or its board of directors. We thank the editor (Nicola Gennaioli) and three anonymous referees for extremely useful suggestions. We also thank Rudi Bachmann, Carola Binder, Pedro Bordalo, Benjamin Born, Felix Chopra, Olivier Coibion, Francesco D’Acunto, Stefano DellaVigna, Thomas Dohmen, Armin Falk, Andreas Fuster, Xavier Gabaix, Dimitris Georgarakos, Yuriy Gorodnichenko, Thomas Graeber, Michael Haliassos, Lukas Hensel, Chi Hyun Kim, Gizem Kosar, Michael Kosfeld, Fabian Krüger, Matt Lowe, Michael McMahon, Valerie Ramey, Aakaash Rao, Sonja Settele, Andrei Shleifer, Uwe Sunde, Johannes Stroebel, Giorgio Topa, Egon Tripodi, Michael Weber, Mirko Wiederholt, Basit Zafar, Florian Zimmermann, as well as participants at various conferences and seminars. We thank Dorine Boumans, Johanna Garnitz, Andreas Peichl, and the ifo Institute for including our module in the World Economic Survey and Valentin Reich for help with the analysis. We are grateful to the data services of the IDSC of IZA. We thank the Joachim Herz Foundation as well as the Fritz-Thyssen Foundation for financial support. Funding by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) through CRC TR 224 (Project A01) is gratefully acknowledged. The activities of the Center for Economic Behavior and Inequality (CEBI) are financed by the Danish National Research Foundation, Grant DNRF134. Support from the Danish Finance Institute (DFI) is gratefully acknowledged. Roth: Funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) under Germany’s Excellence Strategy – EXC 2126/1-390838866. Hrishikesh Iyengar, Apoorv Kanoongo, Melisa Kurtis, Anna Lane, and David Zeimentz provided excellent research assistance. We received ethics approval from Goethe University Frankfurt and the University of Warwick. The experimental instructions can be found at the following link: https://osf.io/6mxaz/.

Data Availability Statement

The data underlying this article are available in Zenodo at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5744016 (Andre, Pizzinelli, Roth and Wohlfart, 2022), with the exception of Wave 2 of the experts survey, which is stored at and owned by the ifo Institute (ifo Institute, 2019). Wave 2 can be accessed remotely upon request to the ifo Institute.

Footnotes

2.

For details on the conferences considered, see Supplementary Appendix J. We also invited a few Ph.D. students, experts from several policy institutions, as well as several experts working in the broader areas of expectation formation and macroeconomic forecasting.

3.

A series of papers uses hypothetical vignettes to study belief formation in contexts such as human capital (Wiswall and Zafar, 2017; Delavande and Zafar, 2019) or consumption behaviour (Christelis, Georgarakos, Jappelli, Pistaferri and Van Rooij, 2019; Fuster, Kaplan and Zafar, 2020a).

4.

The median household respondent spends about 14 min to complete the survey (10th percentile: 7–8 min, 90th percentile: 27–33 min, depending on the wave). The median expert in wave 1 needs 5 min to complete the shorter expert survey (10th percentile: 3 min, 90th percentile: 14 min). The survey completion rates are close to 80|$\%$|⁠. See Supplementary Appendix Table A.4 for further details. Supplementary Appendix Figure A.1 summarizes the structure of both surveys. The full set of experimental instructions for Wave 1 and Wave 2 of the surveys can be found under the following link: https://osf.io/6mxaz/.

5.

In Wave 2 of the expert survey, it was not feasible to randomize the order of vignettes. Instead, the vignettes were ordered as follows: (1) income tax shock, (2) federal funds rate, (3) government spending shock, and (4) oil supply shock. Respondents received two randomly selected vignettes.

6.

In Supplementary Appendix Section D.1, we compare predictions across the rise and fall scenarios. Asymmetries occur more often for households than for experts but are mostly minor.

7.

Finally, to account for potential order effects, we cross-randomize whether respondents first receive the question on the inflation rate or the question on the unemployment rate. For each participant, the order of the inflation and unemployment questions is identical across all scenarios.

8.

The last sentence of the vignette was not included in Wave 2.

9.

Part of the heterogeneity in forecasts in our vignettes could reflect measurement error. However, much of our descriptive analysis in Section 3 focuses on directional predictions, for which measurement error should be strongly mitigated. In addition, in our analysis of the role of thoughts of different propagation channels in Section 4, forecasts are used as dependent variables, so (classical) measurement error should not bias coefficient estimates.

10.

We do not fix beliefs about the duration of the change in interest rates under the monetary policy shock, since the interest rate should react endogenously to changes in inflation and unemployment in response to the shock through the Taylor rule.

11.

We found no established benchmark estimate for the inflation response to the income tax shock.

12.

Given the large sample size, even minor differences in households’ and experts’ directional predictions are statistically different (⁠|$p<0.01$|⁠, |$\chi^2$|-tests). Moreover, disagreement is always significantly larger among households than among experts (see Supplementary Appendix Table A.5). We also confirm the robustness of our results in several checks. Supplementary Appendix D.3 discusses order effects and the effect of incentives on predictions of households. Supplementary Appendix Figure A.2 showcases the stability of the expert results in different subsamples of experts.

13.

Bordalo et al. (2020c) propose a framework to study over- and under-reaction of individual and consensus forecasts to news.

14.

In Supplementary Appendix Section H.3, we show that only a very small fraction of households seem to misperceive the interest rate hike as the Fed’s endogenous reaction to a higher inflation outlook.

15.

These patterns also become apparent if we study the predictions of the joint response of inflation and unemployment (see Supplementary Appendix D.2.1). For instance, 55|$\%$| of experts express the conventional view that the interest rate shock increases unemployment and decreases inflation, compared to 11|$\%$| of households.

16.

We replicate our main results for both the directional and the quantitative predictions (see Supplementary Appendix Figures A.3 and A.4). This highlights the robustness of our findings across time and to changes in the design, such as the prediction scales or the simultaneous measurement of thoughts.

17.

The order of response options is randomized across individuals to address potential order effects.

18.

Supplementary Appendix Figure A.6 shows that thoughts of the different propagation channels are very similar across different subgroups in the expert sample. For instance, experts that are PhD students think of very similar channels as non-PhD student experts.

19.

These findings are in line with participants’ responses to a question about the approach they pursued in their forecasts. Supplementary Appendix Figure A.5 shows that 88|$\%$| of experts report that they drew on their knowledge of economics compared to only 29|$\%$| of households. This is consistent with the notion that experts are more likely to think about the shocks through the lens of textbook models. In contrast to experts, households are relatively more likely to rely on their memories of past economic events and their gut feeling when making their predictions.

20.

Our surveys are not tailored to study the drivers of heterogeneity in associations within the expert sample due to space constraints.

21.

In Supplementary Appendix F, we demonstrate robustness of these correlations to using the hand-coded measures of thoughts based on the open-text data.

22.

Given the nature of attention, focusing on one macroeconomic variable (inflation) gives us more control over the respondents’ thoughts while they make their predictions.

23.

Supplementary Appendix Section G provides an overview of the prediction screens across all three treatment arms.

24.

For this analysis to be valid, beliefs about the directions in which costs and demand change need to be balanced between the treatment and control groups, which is the case in our data.

25.

In Supplementary Appendix F, we show similar patterns using measures of thoughts based on hand-coding of the open-text data. We do not use structured measures as those were not included in this data collection.

26.

Our respondents in this sample are on average somewhat older and more educated compared to our other data collections (see Supplementary Appendix Table A.1).

27.

Supplementary Appendix Table A.7 shows that we obtain similar results using alternative measures of personal employment experience with government suppliers.

28.

In Supplementary Appendix F, we show similar patterns for the effect of experiences on associations using measures of thoughts based on hand-coding of the open-text data.

29.

A literature in behavioural macroeconomics has proposed |$k$|-level thinking (Farhi and Werning, 2019), a lack of common knowledge (Angeletos and Lian, 2017), or myopia (Gabaix, 2020) in macroeconomic expectation formation to explain muted responses of output and consumption to shocks. These models mostly do not directly speak to disagreement in expectations. Moreover, in models of diagnostic expectations, disagreement arises from economic agents’ use of the representativeness heuristic to learn from noisy private signals about the economy (Bordalo et al., 2018, 2020c). In our survey, we provide agents with identical information.

30.

The role of macroeconomic expectations in households’ spending decisions is still being debated in the literature. Some studies find a positive association of inflation expectations with consumption (D’Acunto, Hoang and Weber, 2021a), while others document a muted (Bachmann et al., 2015; Galashin, Kanz and Perez-Truglia, 2021) or negative relationship (Coibion et al., 2019). The evidence on the role of expectations about aggregate unemployment and growth is more limited, but there is some evidence suggesting a role in households’ spending decisions (Roth and Wohlfart, 2020; Coibion, Georgarakos, Gorodnichenko, Kenny and Weber, 2021).

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