Social Reproduction Gone Wrong? The Citizenship Revocation and Rehabilitation of Young European Women Who Joined ISIS

Abstract:Some European women who joined the Islamic State during the 2010s have had their citizenship revoked, which leaves them in a liminal state in camps at the Syrian border. Others have been able to return home, where they face prosecution and potential pathways to "rehabilitation." This article turns to media discussions of two cases that have been extensively discussed in the media: Shamima Begum, a British national whose citizenship was revoked, and Laura Hansen, a Dutch national who was rehabilitated. Our analysis homes in on the symbolic dimension of social reproduction, showing how media representations of these two women as mothers, wives, and daughters play a critical role in media justifications of revocation and rehabilitation. We argue that media discourses create a gendered, racialized, and class-based conceptualization of citizenship unattainable to those whose social reproductive labor is deemed a threat to the nation-state.


Introduction
In 2015, British national Shamima Begum was fifteen years old when she, together with two friends, took a plane from her hometown of London, England, to Istanbul, Tu ¨rkiye, to travel onward to territory held by the Islamic State in Syria (ISIS).After her arrival there, Begum married, then gave birth to two children, both of whom died before reaching the age of two years.Her London family, although desperate to get her back home, lost track of her until February 2019, when Anthony Loyd, a Times journalist, found her in a camp on the Syrian border.Loyd interviewed Begum, who was nine months pregnant at the time.Begum asserted that she wanted to come home with her soon-to-be-born child, but also that things were not that bad under ISIS rule and that beheadings did not faze her.The recording went viral, meeting highly polarized media commentary.Sajid Javid, then Britain's Home secretary, responded to Begum's requests to return by revoking her British citizenship, with some arguing that Javid was using this case to bolster his bid for Conservative Party leadership (Greenfield 2019).Begum's newborn died three weeks later of pneumonia.In February 2021, the British Supreme Court rejected Begum's request to return to Britain in order to be personally present at the appeal of her citizenship revocation.Begum remains in a detention camp at the Syrian border, with her appeal to reinstate her citizenship continuing to wend its way through various British courts.
The same year as Begum, Laura Hansen, a nineteen-year-old Dutch national, left the Netherlands for Syria with her then-husband and two children.She lived there for close to a year before her father helped Hansen, her husband, and children escape from Syria to the Netherlands, with her husband likely dying during the escape.Upon her arrival in Kurdish-held territory in Northern Syria, she was placed in detention for two weeks, before the Dutch authorities helped her return to the Netherlands.Once back in the Netherlands, she was immediately placed in pre-trial detention in a highsecurity prison for ten months, tried, and sentenced to two years for participating in a terrorist organization (of which thirteen months were conditional and the remainder time served).A best-selling book by journalist Thomas Rueb (2018) shaped the media's story about Hansen.The book, simply titled Laura H., provides a detailed account of Hansen's traumatic childhood and adolescence, her conversion to Islam around the age of thirteen, and includes much detail about her abusive husband and the violence she endured at his hands.Portrayed as having renounced Islam, Hansen now lives quietly in the Netherlands with her two children, an example of rehabilitation to full citizenship.
This article analyzes the media justifications for and critiques of citizenship revocation versus rehabilitation of these two women, both of whom joined ISIS but whose subsequent trajectories diverged widely.Through qualitative discourse analysis, we find that ideas about social reproduction play a key role in the media's production of gendered, racialized, class-based conceptualizations regarding the right to citizenship.We use Evelyn Nakano Glenn's (1992, 1) classic definition of social reproduction, which highlights that social reproduction sustains bodies and societies through a daily and intergenerational array of practices.Extending the framework of social reproduction beyond the household/labor market nexus, we build on literature that articulates various ways in which social reproduction is implicated in nation-state building (Chilmeran and Pratt, 2019;Erel 2018;Yuval-Davis 1997).We show how media debates portray Begum and Hansen as citizens whose social reproduction had gone wrong: as daughters, they are the product of a faulty upbringing (exemplified in their joining of ISIS); as wives of dangerous husbands, they embody future risks; and as mothers, they raise children who may become potential threats to the security of the nation.
We start our analysis by asking how the media justify (and question) why Begum had her citizenship revoked and Hansen did not.On the face of it, one could argue that the answer is simply that under international law revoking citizenship cannot leave someone stateless (Boekestein and de Groot 2019): Begum's access to Bangladeshi citizenship through her parents and Hansen's sole Dutch citizenship explain the difference.However, the situation is more complex.Begum's access to her second nationality is questionable.She never visited Bangladesh, has no ties to the country, does not speak the language, and the Bangladeshi government has clearly stated that they have no interest in granting Begum citizenship (and do not see that they are obliged to) (BBC 2019).Furthermore, they have stated that Begum would likely receive the death penalty if she were to move to Bangladesh (Weaver and Gardham 2022).And for cases such as Hansen's, assessing the human rights claims of women and children in the camps, the Dutch courts have ruled that the Dutch state is under no obligation to assist its citizens in returning from ISIS territory, leaving Dutch women in the same camp where Begum resides.These tensions in the application of law create openings for media discussions on the rights and wrongs of revocation and rehabilitation.Our analysis shows that the media articulate judgments about revocation and rehabilitation through appeals to these young women's social reproductive practices in intersecting gendered, racialized, and class-based ways.
To help situate these cases and show how we leverage them analytically, we first turn to the context of ISIS recruitment and states' responses through citizenship revocation and rehabilitation practices.We then outline how we mobilize the literature on social reproduction to dissect media justifications of revocation and rehabilitation along gendered, racialized, and class-based lines.The methodology section discusses how we analyze these two cases theoretically, not as representations of processes within particular nation-states but as examples that show the centrality of social reproduction in media accounts.Our findings show how media ties citizenship revocation to embodied threats as exemplified in Begum's case, while justifying rehabilitation through embodied victimhood, as illustrated in Hansen's case.

Women's Recruitment into the Islamic State and Citizenship Revocation/Rehabilitation
According to the European Social Survey of Radicalization, 145 British women travelled to Syria to join the Islamic State between 2012 and its demise between 2017 and 2019 (De Leede 2018).Approximately eighty Dutch women joined ISIS during this same period (Cook and Vale 2019).The profile of Social Reproduction Gone Wrong?
European women who joined ISIS shows that, while this group of women is quite diverse (Bakker and de Leede 2015, 5;Saltman and Smith 2015), they share adherence to some form of Islam and a drive to move to another country to join a war to build an Islamic state.Women range in their experience with the religion, some are converts and others born Muslim with varying levels of family observance.They are often young, between sixteen and twenty, and they come from a range of ethnic backgrounds.
Women's recruitment into ISIS draws on the politics of social reproduction.ISIS expressly set out to target young, privileged yet vulnerable, girls in the West (Windsor 2020), by offering a sense of community with other Muslims and telling young women that they would be welcomed into a closeknit sisterhood (Mahood and Rane 2017;Pearson 2016).ISIS recruitment magazines (available online) depicted the West as immoral, a place where women are objectified and sexualized, arguing that women's "natural disposition" meant enacting "their roles as mothers and wives" (Biswas andDeylami 2019, 1203).These scholars argue that such messages appealed to women's self-efficacy as well as their sense of insecurity fostered by the racialization of Muslim minorities.In this context, women "may [have] see [n] a move to Syria to marry an ISIS fighter as an opportunity for a stable, secure life where their needs are provided for" (Windsor 2020, 518).
The stakes of such forms of recruitment into terrorism have heightened in recent years.While revocation of citizenship is embedded in the history of nation-state building (Macklin 2014), in the early 2000s, in response to 9/11, 7/11, and the murder of Theo van Gogh in 2005, both Britain and the Netherlands developed laws that enabled the use of revocation for managing potential terrorists.In 2002, the British adopted the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act, which included a clause that made it "possible to deprive any Briton of their citizenship status 'if the secretary of state is satisfied that the person has done anything seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom or a British overseas territory'" (Shamsie 2018).In 2014, changes to the British Nationality Act (BNA) revised the "seriously prejudicial" parameter to allow the Home Secretary to remove citizenship if they consider it "conducive to the public good," a much more expansive definition of potential harm (McGuiness and Gower, 2017, 3).In 2022, changes to the BNA further decreased protections against citizenship deprivation by no longer requiring that affected citizens are notified of revocations, with parliamentarians arguing that citizenship is a privilege, not a right (Hart 2021).The Dutch followed a similar trajectory in response to perceptions of terrorist threat.In 2005, they adopted a new version of the Dutch Nationality Act (DNA) that allowed for revocation when a person had damaged "vital interests of the Dutch state," amending it in 2007 to include those found guilty of criminal acts that posed "a threat to public order" (De Hart and Terlouw, 2015, 312).Since 2010, the DNA includes an irreversible revocation for those convicted of certain terrorist acts.As of 2017, revocation of persons who had joined a terrorist organization can take place without a criminal trial if these persons were abroad at the time of revocation.
Such lawmaking illustrates how apparently "neutral" laws become tools of racialization: given international commitments that aim to prevent statelessness, citizenship revocation can only be applied to people with dual nationality, thus creating a two-tiered citizenship (Macklin 2014;Weil, 2017).In Britain, the 2022 amendments to the BNA place 41 percent of "non-white ethnic minorities" at risk of citizenship deprivation, compared to 5 percent of white citizens (Van der Merwe 2021).The actual number of revocations for engagement in terrorist activity are difficult to assess as the government does not habitually provide detailed statistics (McKinney 2022).The British Home Office (2022) claims that between 2010 and 2018 on average nineteen people a year have had their citizenship revoked for the public good.Yet, others have pieced together different numbers, ranging from five in 2012 to a high of 104 in 2017 (McKinney 2022).In the Netherlands, as in Britain, dual nationality is strongly associated with migration background, particularly being of Moroccan origin.Given that Morocco attributes citizenship by descent, Dutch citizens with Moroccan ancestry are automatically dual citizens and thus at risk of citizenship revocation (Boekestein and de Groot 2019;Van Waas and Jaghai 2018).Yet, the racialized impact of revocation law is difficult to gage because Dutch government statistics lump revocations in with people losing citizenship due to taking out a different nationality (with the Netherlands not allowing dual nationality).A government-commissioned assessment of the 2017 amendments suggests that since that change, the process of involuntary revocation was taken up in twenty-one cases, fourteen of which culminated in the actual revocation of Dutch nationality (Bex-Reimert et al. 2020, 6).Neither country provides statistics by gender or race, although some research suggests that men are predominantly at risk of revocation (Macklin 2014).While others have argued that citizenship revocation has become a political strategy that racializes Muslim persons (Macklin 2014), the cases of women such as Begum highlight the gender dimensions (Masters and Regilme 2020).
When revocation of ISIS recruits' citizenship is not an option, European governments have left women and children in detention camps at the Syrian border, even though living conditions there have been described as "torture" (Rights and Security International 2021).By late 2021, the British government had repatriated seven children, leaving approximately fifteen British women and sixty British children in the camps.Of all European countries with women and children in camps, Britain has been the most reluctant to repatriate.The Dutch have been reluctant as well, with Prime Minister Rutte going on record stating that he prefers that former ISIS recruits stay in Syria and die in the camps over bringing them home; nevertheless, in 2021 and 2022, six women (and their children) were allowed to return in order to stand trial in the Netherlands. 1 In early 2022, approximately thirty Dutch women and seventy Dutch children remained in the camps.However, by November 2022, many of these women were repatriated under pressure of criminal courts who insisted that the Dutch government repatriate women before the statute of limitations on their criminal charges expires.All Dutch women who have returned face trial for engagement in terrorist activity, triggering the state's punishment and rehabilitation apparatus, while some have also had their citizenship revoked.

Analytical Framework: Social Reproduction, Citizenship Revocation, and Rehabilitation
Women who joined ISIS are often discussed in social reproductive terms, as "jihadi brides" and mothers of future terrorists (Cruise 2016;Jackson 2021).The literature shows that in media and policy debate, women terrorists are often categorized as "mothers, monsters, and whores" (Sjoberg and Gentry 2007), whose major role is to have children and support male terrorists (Nacos 2016).Such discussions suggest the centrality of social reproduction in representations of women who joined ISIS.
In our analysis, we draw on Glenn's classic definition of social reproduction, "the creation and recreation of people as cultural and social as well as physical human beings who engage in an array of activities and relationships involved in maintaining people both on a daily basis and intergenerationally" (Glenn 1992, 1).However, we focus on social reproduction's symbolic dimension, which is tied to ideas of nationhood, and analyze how gender intersects with race and class dynamics from this perspective (Yuval-Davis 1997).The symbolic dimension of social reproduction positions women as reproducers of the national community through birthing new citizens and transmitting cultural knowledge and customs intergenerationally (Yuval-Davis 1997, 25).
Social reproduction is racialized through a process that "assigns groups to hierarchical categories reflecting perceptions of inferiority and superiority based on perceived biological and/or cultural difference" (Weiner, 2012, 334; see also Barot and Bird 2001;Hochman 2019).In British and Dutch contexts, the cultural and religious dimensions intersect with biological perceptions, with those of Muslim background increasingly racialized as "other" and "lesser than" in public discourse and lawmaking (De Koning 2020; Garner and Selod 2015;Meer 2022;Moosavi 2015).Accounts of Muslim women's social reproductive labor show that this racialization is gendered.Dominant representations mark Muslim women as at risk of violence by Muslim men while portraying Islamic practice as by definition undermining perceived Western gender equality values (Amir-Moazami, Jacobson, and Malik 2011; Mirza, 2013;Yurdakul and Korteweg 2013).As a result, racialized and immigrant women are often interpreted as a priori outside symbolic membership.State control over racialized and immigrant women is motivated by anxieties about social reproduction gone wrong and shaped by fears of racial and class pollutions that have seen a resurgence in recent years with Europe's rise of the far right (Bracke and Herna ´ndez Aguilar 2020;Erel 2018;Yuval-Davis 1997).
Social reproduction also has clear material aspects, reflected in the importance of paid and unpaid reproductive labor in capitalist economies, with the literature highlighting how the link between production and reproduction is organized in gendered, racialized, and class-based ways (Kofman and Raghuram 2015;Luxton 2017).In our framework, this material dimension ties to the symbolic: for example, the literature on social assistance suggests that representations of the "bad" mother impact limits placed on how the welfare system supports mothering (Ladd-Taylor 2004), with Collins (2002, 5, 27) identifying these representations of the women who rely on welfare as "controlling images" that draw from racist tropes.Thus, judgments regarding the materiality of social reproduction are expressed through highly symbolic language that ties back to national belonging and moral judgments regarding the right to citizenship.
Citizenship revocation is an extreme form of taking away the right to citizenship.Commonly understood as a racializing practice, citizenship revocation is rarely analyzed through a gender or class-based lens.Applying the framework of gendered, racialized, classed social reproduction, the state's power to curtail women's engagement with social reproduction by revoking their citizenship can be analyzed in two ways.First, adopting a Foucauldian perspective on the denationalization of terrorists, Seet (2021) interprets citizenship revocation as the use of sovereign means to biopolitical ends.In British revocation cases, the Home Secretary, part of the executive branch of government, is solely responsible for judging whether citizenship should be revoked.By taking on a role usually assigned to the judiciary, the Home Secretary thus takes on sovereign power over life and death.Masters and Regilme (2020) argue that this creates a racialized, gendered hierarchy of human rights.Applying a social reproductive framework, we suggest that the state attempts to control its borders by limiting citizenship rights of women who may reproduce "unwanted" citizens on a daily and intergenerational basis.
Second, citizenship revocation can be interpreted as a necessary security measure to protect European societies, a measure to control immigrants in general, and to enforce surveillance of Muslims in particular (Tripkovic 2021;Weil 2017).The gendered dynamics of this racialized surveillance and control are complex.While Muslim men are often seen as dangerous, when Muslim women transgress the boundaries of feminine docility, punishment is informed not only by the fear of extremist violence but also by their transgression of gendered practices (Razack 2008).Again, social reproduction is implicated in this process of securitization as it raises the question of who will reproduce the securitized citizen.
On the other end of the spectrum of state power and social reproduction, we encounter the possibility of rehabilitation, a concept that comes to us through the study of punishment (Goodman 2012;Ward and Maruna 2007).Contemporary punishment coincides with rehabilitation's neoliberal emphasis on restoring one's self to a prior state of being a contributing member of society (Goodman 2012;Raynor and Robinson 2009).Gendered imaginations of rehabilitation contrast men's need to develop a previously stunted sense of self with women's need to create a more bounded self (Haney and Dao 2018).We argue that such gendered understandings of rehabilitation are intimately connected to social reproduction.Joining ISIS suggests that the joiner's own social reproduction had gone wrong, where rehabilitation can only result from undergoing a process of creating or restoring the self.Simultaneously, the rehabilitated person should demonstrate the ability of engaging in proper reproductive practices themselves-ensuring that they, as well as those that depend on them, reproduce the right kind of citizenship values and practices.

Methodology
British and Dutch national media extensively discussed the stories of Begum and Hansen, respectively, creating a record of public justification and critique that outlined whether each woman deserved help in returning to their home country.Media discourse plays an important role in shaping and framing social problems and actively constructing and conveying this social reality to the public (Joye 2010), particularly in the area of migration (Lecheler et al. 2019).This literature shows that media texts can reveal power relations, ideological tensions, and analytic frameworks that construct who is seen as a part of or separate from the national community, which we extend to an analysis of whose citizenship should be revoked and who should be rehabilitated.
Given the continued impact of mass media on public opinion (McCombs and Reynolds 2009;McCombs and Valenzuela 2020), we chose to focus on dominant, national media sources to analyze the breadth of widely consumed articulations of the rights and privileges of citizenship.Accordingly, we selected three UK newspapers with large readerships and diverse political outlooks-The Sun, The Guardian, and The Times-to ensure that our analysis would be representative of broad political affiliations.The Sun is a right-wing newspaper, The Guardian appeals to left-wing perspectives, and The Times is a centre-right newspaper.For the Dutch case, we similarly focused on a right to left political continuum, with five newspapers, De Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad, NRC, Trouw, and De Volkskrant, offering a diverse range of political approaches.The UK Sun and the Dutch De Telegraaf come closest to being tabloid papers, the Algemeen Dagblad bridges the space between the Telegraaf and the other three relatively more highbrow Dutch newspapers.For each country, we gathered all articles on Shamima Begum and Laura Hansen for the period 2015-2020.
Table 1 shows the total number of articles gathered for each case.Using the qualitative analysis program NVivo, we ran summary reports to reveal broad themes, word frequencies, and attendant patterns.We used this initial assessment of the data to identify the most representative and substantive articles for in-depth qualitative coding (table 2), following a purposive sampling technique to select articles that are focusing on the subject under study.This method is the preferred sampling technique of those conducting a qualitative content analysis of news media (Hester and Dougall 2007).In addition, we included a mix of op-ed and news reporting in our analysis, given that the difference between op-ed and reporting on issues that deal with Muslim women's belonging to the nation tend to be relatively indistinguishable.
Our data analysis builds on the extended case method (ECM) (Burawoy 1998) and critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough 2010;Wodak and Meyer 2016).The ECM focuses on extending existing theories and takes into account the power effects of analysis, while CDA centers the role of language in the formation of relations of power and resulting institutional matrixes  Social Reproduction Gone Wrong?(Fairclough 2010).Our interpretation of the data is also informed by Stuart Hall's approach to tracing complex practices of othering in discursive representations, which treats the media as a source of power in creating representations (Hall 1997).
In line with these methodologies, we developed a codebook with labels we generated by identifying how women were portrayed in news media; how their actions were described; and whether they were seen as agentic or not.We also paid attention to inflections of race and gender across these descriptions.We then used this codebook to analyze the news articles identified in table 2 (note: all news articles used in the analysis are available at www.borderboundariesbodies.org).

The Centrality of Social Reproduction in Media Justifications of Revocation versus Rehabilitation of Citizenship
Media representations filter Begum's and Hansen's choices and actions through the lens of social reproduction.This comes to the fore in accounts of Begum that portray her as a young woman who became the wife of Yago Riedijk (her Dutch husband) in Syria, as the mother of three children (all deceased), and very rarely, as the daughter of immigrant parents.Hansen is similarly described as the wife of Ibrahim and mother of the two children she took with her to Syria.And unlike accounts of Begum's life, Hansen's position as daughter is foregrounded in the extensive reporting on her father's rescue and her difficult childhood and adolescence.Persistent descriptions of both Begum and Hansen through terms such as "ISIS bride" and "jihadi bride," line up with research that shows that dominant media portrayals of women associated with terrorism focus primarily on their familial roles (Nacos 2016).More generic social reproductive phrases applied to Begum and Hansen, such as "mother," and "wife," pregnant with an "unborn child," further provide a legible frame of reference to the public.
The media interpret Begum's decision to join ISIS as a desire for marriage (with the wrong guy) in headlines such as: "Begum knew well she'd marry an ISIS fighter-it's what she and her pals went to ISIS-ruled territory to do" (O'Neill 2019).Another headline describes her as "bride" accompanied by the claim "I was brainwashed" (Loyd 2019), speaking to a tension in media reporting between seeing women such as Begum as, "duped by their men or . . .terrorists in their own right" (Razack 2018, 187).In accounts of Hansen's decision to join her husband in going to Syria, Hansen is described as trying to stop the abuse her husband subjected her to by moving to a place where things would be better for them.In general, commentators and journalists are more likely to discuss Begum and Hansen as wife, mother, or daughter, than as a British or Dutch citizen.In what follows, we analyze how these dominant representations' emphasis on social reproductive practices maps onto media arguments regarding Begum's citizenship revocation and Hansen's rehabilitation.
Justifying Revocation or Rehabilitation: Representations of the "Jihadi Bride" The symbolic danger that Begum represents in the media comes to the fore in specific uses of the term "jihadi bride," for example when The Sun depicts Begum as exploiting the "mother and child" symbol to justify her return to Britain, stating, "Jihadi bride Shamima Begum yesterday paraded her newborn baby for the TV cameras-as she urged the UK public to show her sympathy and let her return" (Parker and Ferguson 2019).The word "jihad" in such descriptions does a lot of work.Its Arabic meaning is simply "struggle," often associated with the struggle to achieve insight into religious texts and practice.In the current context, it has been coopted by those with opposing goals to either rationalize increased securitization against terror or to call people to join extremist Islamic movements.Its usage in European media evokes ideas of dangerous foreign influence.This echoes a history in which women lost their citizenship when marrying foreign men, or a history of questioning whether women were capable of having allegiance to their natal citizenship when they married across borders (De Hart 2012;Navest, de Koning, and Moors 2016).
Attaching "jihad" to "bride" renders European women such as Begum outside the symbolic space of the nation.In these accounts of Begum's motherhood and marriage, written shortly after she was found in Al-Hol camp, the symbolic dimension of social reproduction creates a continuum of safe versus dangerous practices along racialized, gendered, and at times class-based lines, with Begum mostly portrayed as undeserving of citizenship.Furthermore, the modifier "jihadi" erases the husband in question and suggests that Begum has wedded herself to a particular Islamic ideology.
How does the application of the term "jihadi bride" to Begum compare to its usage in Hansen's case?At the time of Hansen's trial, De Telegraaf focuses on Ministry of Justice accounts that Hansen may have been "sent back [by ISIS] on a terror mission" (Schoonhoven 2017).De Telegraaf then echoes British reporting on Begum, stating: "Jihadi bride Laura H. is again in court today.Is she a terror-wolf in sheep's clothing or a will-less victim?" (Schoonhoven 2017).Yet, while Hansen is referred to as "jihadi-bride" or "jihadi girl" by these papers in terms that echo the negative judgment of Begum's right to citizenship, the symbolism of wife-threatening-thereproduction-of-the-nation does not stick as it did for Begum.Rather than seeing Hansen as unworthy of citizenship, media stories center on Hansen's experiences as adolescent daughter, who becomes a wife and mother in her failed attempts to address childhood and adolescent trauma (Baars 2018).
Hansen is positioned as victim, not as a potential perpetrator.By attaching "jihadi" not only to "bride" but also to "girl" (even though Hansen was an adult when she moved to Syria), the media do not describe Hansen as an adult making choices to enter marriage and motherhood that undermine the nation-state.In contrast, the majority of discussions after Begum was found in Al-Hol treat her as an adult, ignoring that, at the age of fifteen, she was legally a child when she moved to Syria and married Riedijk, while her newborn's right to citizenship recedes to the background (Nyamutata 2020).

Justifying Revocation or Rehabilitation: Representations of Mother or Daughter
Where The Sun treats Begum's motherhood with suspicion, The Guardian argues against Begum being a threat (and against the revocation of her citizenship), representing her motherhood as mitigating the risk she poses to the United Kingdom: "We don't know if she fought, but given that she had three children in four years, it's reasonable to guess she didn't.She now says all she wants is a 'quiet life with her baby'" (Younge 2019).(This was before her third child passed away.)The logic that Begum as a wife and mother is incapable of doing anything other than tasks associated with these roles reflects the ideology of intensive mothering (Damaske 2013;Hays 1996), associated with a particular white, middle-class femininity (Hamilton 2020).It incorporates Begum into an imagination of "us": Guardian readers may well recognize themselves in this ideology.In such accounts, Begum is also more likely to be portrayed as citizen.Yet, this portrayal does not meaningfully alter the underlying dichotomy of good/bad mother as a dimension through which to judge her right to citizenship: motherhood is mobilized both in framings that justify Begum's citizenship revocation and those that question its legitimacy.
Where Begum's desire to return to Britain is framed in terms of her being a wife and mother who may put the nation at risk by potentially reproducing dangerous subjects, Hansen is predominantly portrayed as daughter, whose own social reproduction went tragically wrong.According to dominant media narratives, by the age of thirteen, Hansen coped with family trauma by turning to boys and was quickly labelled a "slut" by her peers.Hansen then tried to change her reputation by converting to Islam.As her mother argued in media reporting, Hansen, whose severely ill younger brother died when Hansen was seventeen, "may never have been able to handle [the] blow [of her brother's death] properly," which resulted in her being "brainwashed by her husband" (Bahara 2016).Readers are invited to feel for Hansen, as her parents' daughter, in descriptions of trauma she endured during her time in Syria: . . .[Hansen] said that Ibrahim was violent.So aggressive that he destroyed the television and the phones.She wanted to go to the Caliphate with him, hoping the rapes and beatings would stop.His Muslim brothers would not allow that.She came home from a rude awakening.He kept hitting.(Groen 2017).
Hansen's victimhood becomes the foundation for the media's justifications of her rehabilitation.In an AD article, Hansen's father Euge `ne recounts how "proud" he is of his daughter, who is now attending school, desiring to study "applied psychology" with the goal of helping vulnerable young women (Van der Wal and Rosman 2018).He highlights her "recovering": "In Syria Laura found the strength she could not reach in the Netherlands.She talks to a psychologist every week, works on herself" (Van der Wal and Rosman 2018).As Goodman (2012) argues, rehabilitation in the neoliberal context requires the work on the self that Hansen performs in this quote.In these media discussions, Hansen is described as learning to be a good citizen, something she failed to do as an adolescent, and these accounts render her an acceptable Dutch citizen.Begum is never granted space to give such in-depth accounts of her past, instead her life is described through a series of common tropes associated with marriage and mothering used to undermine the idea that Europe's Muslim citizens are full members of their home societies.

Justifying Revocation or Rehabilitation: Race and Class Dimensions of Social Reproduction
Dutch journalist Thomas Rueb's 500-page narrative account of Hansen's life is key in producing a framework that justifies Hansen's rehabilitation (Rueb 2018).In a review of the book, De Telegraaf writes: The tragedy begins when the half-Surinamese Laura H. (1995) enters puberty.She gets into a whirlwind of problems: youth care, running away, abortion.The misery is complete when she falls into the hands of a lover boy.The whole of Zoetermeer knows that they have to be with Laura if they want to get some.(Schoonhoven 2018) Contrasting these in-depth descriptions of Hansen's childhood with the virtual absence of such descriptions in discussions of Begum's citizenship revocation brings the racial dimension of social reproduction to the fore.The quote from De Telegraaf provides one of the very few explicit mentions of Hansen as biracial, which becomes fixed to her victimhood in phrases such as her "fall[ing] into the hands of a lover boy."Lover boy refers to men, often portrayed as immigrant and/or racial/ethnic minorities, who seduce and then prostitute underage girls (Bovenkerk and Van San 2011).Similarly, Trouw describes Hansen as "deflowered in seventh grade by a Moroccan boy," part of "the horrific custom that Moroccan boys in particular make of her" (Baars 2018).Through such accounts, blame for Hansen's actions is placed on racialized groups within Dutch society, who are furthermore portrayed as foreign through the persistent use of the adjective Moroccan (they are most likely second-and third-generation Dutch citizens).Connecting violence to these Social Reproduction Gone Wrong?"Moroccan" Dutch boys portrays them as improperly socialized, racialized threats to the nation, while rendering Hansen innocent.In contrast, the media herald the role of her white father, aided by white journalist Rueb, as they promote Hansen's full membership in Dutch society.
Where Hansen is rarely described as mixed race or of Surinamese descent, 2 Begum is much more likely to be ascribed a racialized migration status as "Bangladeshi" with its implied connotation of being Muslim reinforced by what is portrayed as Begum's choice to join ISIS.As a result, while Begum and Hansen's stories perform the same racializing narrative that positions those racialized "Muslim" as a threat to the nation, Begum embodies that threat, whereas Hansen is largely portrayed as a victim of it.
Class forms another intersecting dimension in the narratives that link arguments for or against revocation and rehabilitation to social reproduction.In Begum's case, class's intersection with race and gender can be read from an account in The Times of why Begum and her two friends went to Syria: [. ..] the Bethnal Green girls knew that under ISIS they would have kudos as wives of fighters, even more later as widows of martyrs.Mothers of 'cubs of the caliphate' they would be granted special privileges, 'housed and fed free' (Turner 2019).
In this quote, the term "Bethnal Green girls" signifies a specific working-class immigrant neighborhood in London, with the majority of its contemporary population of Bangladeshi descent.The girls' move to Syria delineates gendered choice to engage in reproductive labor by becoming "wives of fighters, . . .widows of martyrs."The use of the ISIS phrase "cubs of the caliphate" to describe their children connects with "housed and fed free" to focus the reader onto racialized renditions of state-dependency (Erel 2018).Similarly, editorials in The Sun predict that Begum (then still pregnant with her third child) would rely on the National Health Service to look after her family, further arguing that she ". ..wants the taxpayers to look after her and her baby" in a piece entitled: "THE SUN SAYS Keep jihadi bride Shamima Begum out of Britain" (The Sun 2019, see also Kelly 2019).The class aspect of social reproduction thus intersects with race and gender in judging Begum as undeserving of state support in her attempts to return home.
In Hansen's case, accounts of her middle-class background as daughter of a "good" family predominate.Research by Bonjour and Duyvendak (2018) shows that Dutch working-class, racialized families are the targets of blame for "failed" immigrant integration in the Netherlands (see Erel 2018 for similar processes in Britain).These class-based aspects of Hansen's social reproduction appear across the newspapers.For example, The Telegraaf states: Many Syria-goers come from disadvantaged families, but not Laura.Her Dutch father plays in a band and has a good job as a personnel manager.He is someone who is not afraid to stand up for his children (Schoonhoven 2017).
This represents class as symbolic threat to the nation: note how the modifier Dutch applied to Hansen's father and by extension to Hansen herself suggests that the disadvantaged who produce Syria-goers do not legitimately belong to the Dutch nation-state.

Conclusion
Media discussions of the revocation of Begum's citizenship and the rehabilitation of Hansen's illustrate how the right to citizenship is imbricated with ideas about social reproduction.In both Britain and the Netherlands, the media mobilize descriptions of "jihadi brides," portraying women as wives who have divorced themselves from their home countries, who aid and abet terrorism by providing social reproductive services to their husbands, and who as mothers risk indoctrinating their children to become future terrorists (Vale 2018).When we compare these cases, we see some critical differences, however.Focusing on the way social reproduction is threaded through each case, we see that the portrayal of Hansen as daughter enables a depiction of Hansen as a victim of social reproduction gone wrong.In contrast, portrayals of Begum focus primarily on her being a wife and mother, with The Sun, and to a lesser extent The Times, positioning her as a potential risk to British society, echoing long-standing observations that women are seen as mothers of the nation (Luibhe ´id 2004;Tyler 2013;Yuval-Davis 1997).
The interplay between the structuring forces of gender, race, and class are critical in these differing media accounts.Even though both Hansen and Begum are young brown women, Hansen is whitened through her white father, who features far more extensively as her savior in the newspaper accounts than her Surinamese Black mother.Begum, in contrast, is always racialized as a Bangladeshi immigrant, a young, brown, Muslim woman.The class dimension of the narrative has Begum growing up in a poor, immigrant neighborhood in London, while Hansen was raised by well-to-do, highly educated parents in a suburb of The Hague.Finally, while both young women are gendered, the media renders Hansen an object of sympathy as the victim of an abusive marriage, while Begum's inappropriate desire for marriage and motherhood at the age of fifteen is portrayed as her personal moral failing.Only when The Guardian portrays Begum's mothering as (appropriately) allconsuming do we see an argument for Begum's rehabilitation tied to her social reproductive practices.
While tempting to understand this as a story of one racist and one less racist country, this is not a case of "racist" Britain and "good" Netherlands.These cases capture neither how race, class, and gender are mobilized in the Social Reproduction Gone Wrong?full media landscape, nor the vast array of possible politics played out through media discourse.Rather, our analysis shows how citizenship revocation and rehabilitation are tied to social reproduction, which is then refracted through gender, race, and class to create a sense of embodied threat versus embodied victimhood.The media accounts we analyze illustrate how attributions of social reproductive practices mark some bodies as eligible to be citizens in countries such as Britain and the Netherlands, while other bodies are too risky to be readmitted.
We offer an approach to understanding media discussions of citizenship revocation and rehabilitation that extends the emphasis on race in the citizenship revocation literature.Our analysis emphasizes how news media discuss the two cases in the entanglements of class, gender, and race that are facilitated by these accounts of social reproduction, with the media in both countries mobilizing these entanglements to justify revocation or rehabilitation.Once Hansen can travel back home, the media accounts show how she gets sucked into the machinery of prison and rehabilitation that matches her status as the whitened child of highly educated, successful parents.Portrayed as a good mother and worker upon her release from prison, with promises of becoming a contributing citizen who is helping to deradicalize Dutch society, media accounts effectively encourage Hansen's own social reproduction as well as her social reproductive contributions to her family and community.In contrast, no matter whether British media justify revocation or argue against it, Begum is the eternal immigrant (Dahinden 2016), never fully arriving on British soil, always vulnerable to the revocation of status, while her children are portrayed as "cubs of the caliphate."Media discourses justifying revocation versus rehabilitation reflect the larger gendered, racialized and class-based processes that define citizenship through social reproduction in contemporary European nation-states such as Britain and the Netherlands.

Notes
1. Mark Rutte in RTL election debate, March 5, 2015: https://nos.nl/artikel/2415535-nederland-haalt-vijf-is-vrouwen-en-hun-elf-kinderenterug-uit-syrie.2. Anecdotally, during the summer of 2022, we interviewed three women who work as scholars and activists on the representation of Muslim women in Dutch society.They told us that Hansen was rehabilitated because she was white.They were surprised when we mentioned that Hansen was biracial.
participants for their constructive feedback, with special thanks to Janine Dahinden, Liza Mu ¨gge, and Abigail Andrews for organizing these events.This article draws on research supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Canada.We are grateful to the Open Access funds from Humboldt-Universita ¨t zu Berlin.This project is funded by a four-year Social Sciences Humanities Research Council Canada (SSHRC) Insight Grant.

Ethics approval statement
This project has been approved by University of Toronto's Ethics Committee, with the original title: The Politics of Knowledge Production: Borders, Boundaries and Bodies of Muslim Women in the European Media.

Table 1 .
Article distribution by newspaper